What Studies in Spatial Development Show in Ethiopia-Part II

Priyanka Kanth's picture

In Part I of our blog —based on a background note we wrote for the World Bank’s 2017–2022 Country Partnership Framework for Ethiopia—we presented our key findings on the spatial or regional distribution of poverty and child malnutrition in Ethiopia.

In Part II of our blog, we look at changes in road density over the ten years from 2006 to 2016, and in nightlights in six cities over four years from 2012 to 2016.

Changes in road density pointed to greater economic concentration towards the center of Ethiopia and the north of the country. These are also areas of greater population density. Figure 2a shows that, between 2006 and 2016, the increase in road density was concentrated in certain regions, notably Ethiopia’s capital of Addis Ababa, as well as Tigray in the north of the country and in Oromia in the center.

Figure 2a: Changes in road density and length between 2006 and 2016

Source: World Bank visualization based on data from various UN agencies

Figure 2b: Rural Access Index (RAI) and major roads in 2016

Source: World Bank visualization based on data RAI (World Bank).

Remote and economically lagging regions, and Amhara Region, see lesser increases in road density. Taking the development of roads as a proxy for the development of infrastructure, this suggests that infrastructure development has not been homogeneous across all regions. It also shows that road connectivity for some regions is poor, both within those regions and with other regions, with consequences for labor mobility, the transportation of goods and services, and for agricultural productivity as the distance and travel times to markets are longer.

Despite the large infrastructure investments undertaken by the Ethiopian government in the past ten years, accessibility by road to rural areas remains low in Ethiopia; we can see its distribution across the country in Figure 2b. The Rural Access Index was 21.6 percent in 2016, signifying that only around 22 percent of the rural population had access within a 2km distance of them to a “decent” road.

Twinkle, twinkle little light

Finally, we look at nightlights in some of the secondary cities. From Figure 3 it could be interpreted that urban GDP is stagnant as there were no significant changes in the density or distribution of night-time lights over the period of 2012–2016, even though urbanization outside Addis Ababa was ongoing and urban poverty has been reduced since 2012.

As per the World Development Report 2009, nightlights are not a good proxy for GDP; however, differences in the pattern of nightlights over a given time are correlated with changes in GDP. In figures 3a-b, we see that the trend of nightlights across several secondary cities in Ethiopia remains constant. Therefore, secondary cities don’t seem to grow in keeping with Addis Ababa, the largest urban center of the country.

Figure 3: Spatial dimension of nightlights
a) Total brightness of nighttime lights

Source: World Bank visualization based on data from NOAA’s VIIRS Satellite.

b) Average brightness of nighttime lights.

Source: World Bank visualization based on data from NOAA’s VIIRS Satellite
The significant increase in GDP witnessed by Ethiopia is primarily due to growth in agriculture in rural areas and in the service sector. The country’s push for developing its manufacturing sector is relatively recent and might explain the figures for secondary cities better. It is likely that secondary cities are witnessing growth in the service sector—and not in industrial or manufacturing sectors—and that this growth is therefore not resulting in any significant changes in the number or density of nightlights.

In addition, the influx of migrants into Addis Ababa is higher than in other secondary cities, suggesting that real and perceived opportunities lag behind in secondary cities.

Combining our analytical findings with our visualization of spatial development, we concluded that spatial development outcomes could be increased through interventions, primarily in four areas, which will we explore in Part III of our blog series.

 

Data provided by DEC survey unit. Maps produced by the Data Management Unit.

What Studies in Spatial Development Show in Ethiopia-Part II

Priyanka Kanth's picture

In Part I of our blog —based on a background note we wrote for the World Bank’s 2017–2022 Country Partnership Framework for Ethiopia—we presented our key findings on the spatial or regional distribution of poverty and child malnutrition in Ethiopia.

In Part II of our blog, we look at changes in road density over the ten years from 2006 to 2016, and in nightlights in six cities over four years from 2012 to 2016.

Changes in road density pointed to greater economic concentration towards the center of Ethiopia and the north of the country. These are also areas of greater population density. Figure 2a shows that, between 2006 and 2016, the increase in road density was concentrated in certain regions, notably Ethiopia’s capital of Addis Ababa, as well as Tigray in the north of the country and in Oromia in the center.

Figure 2a: Changes in road density and length between 2006 and 2016

Source: World Bank visualization based on data from various UN agencies

Figure 2b: Rural Access Index (RAI) and major roads in 2016

Source: World Bank visualization based on data RAI (World Bank).

Remote and economically lagging regions, and Amhara Region, see lesser increases in road density. Taking the development of roads as a proxy for the development of infrastructure, this suggests that infrastructure development has not been homogeneous across all regions. It also shows that road connectivity for some regions is poor, both within those regions and with other regions, with consequences for labor mobility, the transportation of goods and services, and for agricultural productivity as the distance and travel times to markets are longer.

Despite the large infrastructure investments undertaken by the Ethiopian government in the past ten years, accessibility by road to rural areas remains low in Ethiopia; we can see its distribution across the country in Figure 2b. The Rural Access Index was 21.6 percent in 2016, signifying that only around 22 percent of the rural population had access within a 2km distance of them to a “decent” road.

Twinkle, twinkle little light

Finally, we look at nightlights in some of the secondary cities. From Figure 3 it could be interpreted that urban GDP is stagnant as there were no significant changes in the density or distribution of night-time lights over the period of 2012–2016, even though urbanization outside Addis Ababa was ongoing and urban poverty has been reduced since 2012.

As per the World Development Report 2009, nightlights are not a good proxy for GDP; however, differences in the pattern of nightlights over a given time are correlated with changes in GDP. In figures 3a-b, we see that the trend of nightlights across several secondary cities in Ethiopia remains constant. Therefore, secondary cities don’t seem to grow in keeping with Addis Ababa, the largest urban center of the country.

Figure 3: Spatial dimension of nightlights
a) Total brightness of nighttime lights

Source: World Bank visualization based on data from NOAA’s VIIRS Satellite.

b) Average brightness of nighttime lights.

Source: World Bank visualization based on data from NOAA’s VIIRS Satellite
The significant increase in GDP witnessed by Ethiopia is primarily due to growth in agriculture in rural areas and in the service sector. The country’s push for developing its manufacturing sector is relatively recent and might explain the figures for secondary cities better. It is likely that secondary cities are witnessing growth in the service sector—and not in industrial or manufacturing sectors—and that this growth is therefore not resulting in any significant changes in the number or density of nightlights.

In addition, the influx of migrants into Addis Ababa is higher than in other secondary cities, suggesting that real and perceived opportunities lag behind in secondary cities.

Combining our analytical findings with our visualization of spatial development, we concluded that spatial development outcomes could be increased through interventions, primarily in four areas, which will we explore in Part III of our blog series.

 

Data provided by DEC survey unit. Maps produced by the Data Management Unit.

የዐማራ ህዝብ ቁጥር 50.57 ሚሊዮን

By  Ethio Tikdem

አንዳንድ እንሽላሊቶች በቴሌቪዥን፣ ጥቂቶች ደግሞ በጥራዝ ነጠቅነት በየድህረ ገጹ እንደሚያራግቡት ሳይሆን የዐማራ ህዝብ ትክክለኛውን ቁጥርና በመንግስቱ ሊካተቱ የሚችሉትን ከብዙ ጥናትና መረጃ ማሰባሰብ በኋላ ዛሬ ይፋ ታደጋለች – ቤተ አማራ። ይፋ ለማድረግ የተገደድነው በህዝባችንና በአለም ማህበረሰብ ዘንድ የተዛባና እጅግ የተንሸዋረረ አመለካከት ሲፈጥሩ የቆዩትንና ወደፊትም ሊፈጥሩ የሚያሰፈስፉትን ጠላቶች ወደ ሰውነት ደረጃ ተመልሰው ቆም ብለው እንዲያስቡ ለማስገንዘብ ሲሆን የዐማራ ህዝብም ወገኑን፣ አኗኗሩንና ጥንካሬውን አይቶና መዝኖ እንዲተሳሰብና ራሱን እንዲያስከብር ይረዳን ዘንድ ነው።

አጠቃላይ ቁጥር የዐማራ ቁጥር:-

ሀ) #በኢትዮጵያ:
1. ሀገረ ዐማራ 19.4 ሚሊዮን
2. ኦሮሚያ 9.7 ሚሊዮን
3. አዲስ አበባ መስተ. 3.2 ሚሊዮን
4. ደቡብ ብሄረሰቦች ክ. 1.6 ሚሊዮን
5. ቤኒ. ጉምዝ ክልል 0.27 ሚሊዮን
6. ድሬዳዋ መስተዳድር 0.18 ሚሊዮን
7. ትግራይ ክልል 0.116 ሚሊዮን
8. አፋር ክልል 0.130 ሚሊዮን
9. ጋምቤላ ክልል 0.080 ሚሊዮን
10. ሶማሊ ክልል 0.075 ሚሊዮን
11. ሀረሪ ክልል 0.019 ሚሊዮን

12. ቅይጥ አማሮች 8.21 ሚሊዮን

#ኢትዮጵያ ውጭ:
1. አማራ 1.9 ሚሊዮን
2. ቅይጥ አማሮች 0.4 ሚሊዮን

ሐ) #በዐማራ_መንግስት
የሚካተቱ
(በአርበኝነት፣ በታሪክ
በስነልቦና በባህልና
በመሳሰሉት ከአማራ
ህዝብ ጋር የማይለያዩና 3.19 ሚሊዮን
ከአማራ ጋር ለመኖር
እጅግ ልባዊ ፍቅር ያላቸው)

#ድምር 50.57 ሚሊዮን
****^*********
50, 570,000 ህዝብ ያላት ፍትሀዊ #የአማራ_መንግስት!
ይህ አሀዝ በአማራ ልጆችና ወዳጆች ወጥና የጸና ይሆናል። ከጠላት ግን ምንም አንጠብቅም!
—————————————-————
እንግዲህ ይህ ቁጥር የሚያመለክተው በጠላቶችችን ተጨፍጭፈው ያለቁትን 3 ሚሊዮን አማሮች አይጨምርም።
ስብጥሩ እንደሚያመለክተ ዐማራ ከሌሎች ብሄረሰቦች ጋር ያለውን ትሥስርና ተከባብሮ የመኖር ጸጋውን ነው።
አማራ ባላጸደቀውና ባልተወከለበት ህገ መንግስት፣ በበታችነት ስሜት ጥላቻ በቁማቸው በነቀዙ ፍጡራን የመቃብር ድንጋይ ተጭኖበት ሲሶ ክፍለ ዘመን ሊደፍን ነው።

የዐማራ ህዝብ በያለበት ከወገኑና ከራሱ ጋር ይመካከር። ሁሌም ነቅቶ ማንነቱን ያስከብር።
ራሱ ሳይኖር አገሩን ያስከበረ ማነም የለምና፣ ሁሉም ዐማራ ህልውናውን ያስቀድም።

#ዐማራ_የነጻነት ትርጉም!
ለራስህ የሚበጅህን መንግስት መስርት።

MESSAGE TO AMHARA PEOPLE HOME & ABROAD

By Kidus Yohanes

Amhara people
The time to build our political, financial, and defense capabilities has come. The past times of struggle and resistance should have empowered us and increased our political awareness.

Let us organize ourselves as an Amhara so, we will become an influential participant in the new Ethiopia instead of a people without representatives. We should learn from the past mistakes and the painful outcomes it costing us up to this day.

In order to accomplish this, we have to reevaluate our past decisions, build our mentality and focus on/around Amhara people and Amhara issues that we need to solve for our people. Standing in solidarity and collaborating with other ethnic groups is very important because we are fighting the same war. However, Do not Blindly BELIEVE / FOLLOW the so-called “Ethiopian unity” dreamers. They are lost themselves. DO NOT BE FOOLED!

As an Amhara myself, I believe we should identify & prioritize our challenges in order to find a smart approach and solutions. Our immediate priority is to free all #Amhara and its people from the current regime, reclaim our land that is forcefully annexed, elect/appoint our local, regional and parliamentary representatives that are Amhara and that have Amhara values that work for Amhara people and secure our best interests in political, economic, militaristic and our entire well-being as a people in Ethiopia.

[ For the political leaders ] Start thinking about the transitional government in Amhara. Prepare the Amhara freedom and self-governing documents.

Freedom is at the door.
አይዞህ አንተ ገበሬ።

Ethiopia’s Regime Prioritizes Power Over Reform as Ethnic Protests Continue

By William Davison In this June 10, 2005 file photo, Ethiopian soldiers patrol the streets of Addis Ababa, after clashes with protesters (AP photo by Karel Prinsloo). ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia—In Ethiopia’s two most-populous ethnic regions, anti-government rallies turned into a bloodbath Read More ...

Why are EPRDF doesn’t want you to know these things are happening in Ethiopia?

By Paul Schemm  Washingtonpost Ethiopians wait to fill water cans in February during the recent drought. With the return of the rains, however, have come flooding and disease — something the government is reluctant to discuss. (Aida Muluneh for The Washington Read More ...

አቤቱ የሆነብንን አስብ- ሀገር ስለተነፈጋቸው ባላገሮች እንማልዳለን!

By Muluken Tesfaw
=================================================

ለኔ እስከሚገባኝ አማራነትም ባላገር መሆንም ወንጀል አይደለም፡፡ የፍትህ ያለህ እያሉ ይጮሃሉ- ባላገሮቹ፡፡
ባላገር= ባለ ሀገር የቁም ትርጉሙ ‹‹የሀገር ባለቤት፣ ባለንብረት፣ ወይም ሀገር ያለው›› ማለት ሊሆን ይችላል፡፡ በሌላ በኩል ባላገር በእርሻ እና በከበት እርባታ የሚተዳደር ገጠሬ ህዝብንም ይወክላል፡፡
አሁን ስለ ባላገር አንድምታ የመፈላሰፍ ጊዜውም ፍላጎቱም የለኝም፡፡ የኔ ጭንቅ በስም ‹ባለ ሀገር› ሆነው አገር የተነፈጋቸውን ባላገሮች ችግር ነው፡፡
በአለፉት 20 አመታት ብዙ ባላገሮች ‹አገር አልባ› ሆነዋል፡፡ አንዳንዴ አንድ ችግር ወዲያዉኑ እንደተከሰተ በየቦታው ‹ዋይ ዋይ› ከተባ በኋላ ይረሳሉ፡፡ አሊያ ደግሞ ችግሩ እንደ እግር እሳት የሚያንገበግባቸው ‹አገር አልባዎቹ ባላገሮች› ብቻ ይሆናሉ፡፡
እነዚህ ባላገሮች ለዘመናት በተለያየ የሀገሪቱ ክፍሎች ተባረዋል፡፡ እንደ እንስሳም ዝቅ ተደርገው ተቆጥረዋል፡፡ በገደል ተጥለዋል፡፡ ሀብት ንብረታቸው ወድሟል፣ ተዝርፏልም፡፡
ይህ እንደ ችግር እስከ መቼ እንደሚቀጥል አይታዎቅም፡፡ ምናልባትም ባላገሮች በሙሉ እስኪያልቁ ሊሆን ይችላል፡፡ ይህ ደግሞ የወላድ ማህጽን እስካልመከነ ድረስ የሚሆን አይደለም፡፡ ሰሞኑን በጋምቤላና በከፋ አካባቢዎች የከፋ (እጅግ አሳዛኝ) መፈናቀል እየደረሰባቸው ነው፡፡ የሚከተለውን ቪዲዮ ተመልከቱና ስለሚፈናቀሉ ሰዎች ማልዱ!!
አቤቱ የሆነብንን አስብ!!

Working like Zionist pioneers, to save Amharic

HAARETZ By Roy (Chicky) Arad In the yard of Petah Tikva’s Fidel Youth Center, girls shout while playing soccer and boys grill hot dogs for a birthday party. The children, most of whose parents immigrated to Israel from Ethiopia, sing along to a Hebrew song and gossip in Hebrew. But on the center’s second floor,

The post Working like Zionist pioneers, to save Amharic appeared first on 6KILO.com.

Working like Zionist pioneers, to save Amharic

HAARETZ By Roy (Chicky) Arad In the yard of Petah Tikva’s Fidel Youth Center, girls shout while playing soccer and boys grill hot dogs for a birthday party. The children, most of whose parents immigrated to Israel from Ethiopia, sing along to a Hebrew song and gossip in Hebrew. But on the center’s second floor,

The post Working like Zionist pioneers, to save Amharic appeared first on 6KILO.com.