Here is ሽግግሩ-ከአንዱ-የመከራ-አዙሪት-ወጥተን-በአይነቱ-ልዩ-ወደሆነ-ሌላ-የመከራ-አዙሪት-የምንዘፈቅበት-ወይንስ-ከታሪካዊ-ችግሮቻችን-የምንገላገልበት on Transition and Constitution Making in Post-Conflict Ethiopia.
«የራእየ ማርያም ትርጉም ችግር» (ጥናታዊ ጽሑፍ)-ኣደባባይ
የኢትዮጵያ ቤተ ክርስቲያን በግራ ዘመም እና መሠረተ-ጎሳ በሆኑ የአገራችን የፖለቲካ አስተሳሰቦች ዘንድ በጠላትነት እንደምትፈረጅ የአደባባይ ምሥጢር ነው። በዚህ ረገድ የሕወሐት የ40 ዓመት ፖለቲካ እና በኦነግ እና ከዚያም በኋላ በተነሡ የኦሮሞ ፖለቲካ አራማጆች ዘንድ ያለው አመለካከት ተጠቃሽ ነው። እነዚህ የፖለቲካ አስተሳሰቦች ቤተ ክርስቲያኒቱን በጠላትነት የፈረጁበትን ዝርዝር ጉዳይ ለጊዜው ብናቆየው እና በኦሮሞ ልሒቃን አካባቢ የሚጠቀሰውን አንድ መጽሐፍ (ራእየ ማርያምን) ብቻ ብናነሣ፣ ጥላቻው መሠረት የሌለው ይልቁንም በግልሰቦች ስሕተት እና ተደጋጋሚ ስሕተት ላይ የሚያጠነጥን መሆኑን እንመለከታለን። ስለዚህም በራእየ ማርያም ላይ በግእዝ መጻሕፍት ላይ ጥናት በሚያደርጉት በዶ/ር አምሳሉ ተፈራ «የራእየ ማርያም ትርጉም ችግር» በሚል ርዕስ የተዘጋጀውን መሠረታዊ ጥናት እንድታነቡ እንጋብዛለን። ጽሑፉን በፒ.ዲ.ኤፍ ለማንበብ ይህንን ሊንክ («የራእየ ማርያም ትርጉም ችግር») ይጫኑ።
«የራእየ ማርያም ትርጉም ችግር» (ጥናታዊ ጽሑፍ)-ኣደባባይ
የኢትዮጵያ ቤተ ክርስቲያን በግራ ዘመም እና መሠረተ-ጎሳ በሆኑ የአገራችን የፖለቲካ አስተሳሰቦች ዘንድ በጠላትነት እንደምትፈረጅ የአደባባይ ምሥጢር ነው። በዚህ ረገድ የሕወሐት የ40 ዓመት ፖለቲካ እና በኦነግ እና ከዚያም በኋላ በተነሡ የኦሮሞ ፖለቲካ አራማጆች ዘንድ ያለው አመለካከት ተጠቃሽ ነው። እነዚህ የፖለቲካ አስተሳሰቦች ቤተ ክርስቲያኒቱን በጠላትነት የፈረጁበትን ዝርዝር ጉዳይ ለጊዜው ብናቆየው እና በኦሮሞ ልሒቃን አካባቢ የሚጠቀሰውን አንድ መጽሐፍ (ራእየ ማርያምን) ብቻ ብናነሣ፣ ጥላቻው መሠረት የሌለው ይልቁንም በግልሰቦች ስሕተት እና ተደጋጋሚ ስሕተት ላይ የሚያጠነጥን መሆኑን እንመለከታለን። ስለዚህም በራእየ ማርያም ላይ በግእዝ መጻሕፍት ላይ ጥናት በሚያደርጉት በዶ/ር አምሳሉ ተፈራ «የራእየ ማርያም ትርጉም ችግር» በሚል ርዕስ የተዘጋጀውን መሠረታዊ ጥናት እንድታነቡ እንጋብዛለን። ጽሑፉን በፒ.ዲ.ኤፍ ለማንበብ ይህንን ሊንክ («የራእየ ማርያም ትርጉም ችግር») ይጫኑ።
Donald Trump’s foreign policy on Africa is likely to be: ‘Where’s that?’
Professor of Humanities and the Director of the Johannesburg Institute for Advanced Study (JIAS), University of Johannesburg
Africa is likely to slide down the list of foreign policy priorities of a Donald Trump administration. This is because America’s foreign policy is determined by both domestic and foreign issues.
When it comes to domestic factors Trump is not going to be open to lobbying by the African diaspora in the US which has, historically, always played an important role in pushing African policy and keeping the continent on the domestic agenda. But this constituency hasn’t helpedTrump at all in this election so there’s no need for any payback. And I think that the kind of visibility Africa had is also going to fall in social movements and society in general in the US.
Trump is also unlikely to have any tolerance for the idea that the African diaspora is part of the “sixth region” of Africa. The African Union recognises people of African decent who live outside the continent as the sixth region, in addition to southern, eastern, central, western and northern Africa.
This isn’t going to be something that is of much concern to the new president-elect.
In addition, I think that he is going to be intolerant and disinterested in issues around the domestic politics of African countries. That is unless – as he was very clear in his acceptance speech – they strongly impinge on American national interests.
For example, I don’t think he is going to be very interested in what is happening in Somalia or Ethiopia or in other parts of Africa where there may be conflict. Trump hasn’t got a great capacity for detail, so at best he will live by macro assessments.
The other break with tradition is that it’s impossible to predict who he will chose as his assistant-secretary of state for Africa. As a follower of foreign policy over the past 40 years it has been possible, in nearly all instances, to know who the new incumbent is likely to be. Examples include Chester Crocker, Hank Cohen and Susan Rice. Now with Trump, we simply have no indication.
With this in mind I think it is really important for African countries, including South Africa, to be very conscious, constructive and conspicuous in their choices of ambassador. These appointments will be crucial in opening the doors to the new Trump administration. The worst that African countries can do, however difficult it will be politically, would be to show their displeasure and hold their noses.
Security will be a major issue
Security is going to be a major issue on Trump’s foreign policy agenda. This points directly at the US African Command, which was established in 2007. Africom, as it is generally known, is one of six of the US Defence Department’s “geographic combatant commands and is responsible to the Secretary of Defence for military relations with African nations, the African Union and African regional security organisations”.
When it comes to American policy in Africa, Africom is very likely to emerge as its central piece. Given Trump’s expressed, belligerent viewson the Muslim world, Africom will be set to be the lynchpin. I think African countries should resist this because it is central to American ideology in the world and will bring African countries into conflict with China. But whether African states will in fact resist is a different issue.
In fact, I think one of the issues African leaders will have to be careful about now is how they have to manage their relationships with China and the US. The US has been a little bit lackadaisical in its approach to Africa while China has made great strides on the continent. Not all, in my view, bad. The US will in all likelihood resist the inroads China has made, an issue African leaders will have to manage with kid gloves.
Trade won’t be a given
The African Growth and Opportunity Act AGOA, which came into effect 16 years ago, is aimed at expanding US trade and investment with sub-Saharan Africa. It is supposed to “stimulate economic growth, to encourage economic integration, and to facilitate sub-Saharan Africa’s integration into the global economy”.
There’s still some life left in the act. But it’s clear that Trump is protectionist. He is not going to tolerate any expansion or extension of the agreement, or any misunderstandings. This means American trade policy under Trump needs to be watched closely.
There is also likely to be a decline in aid to Africa from the US. For some African countries aid from the US is absolutely crucial. Take Malawi for example, where it is essential and necessary. As a businessman Trump will want something in return and it’s unlikely he will get his sort of returns on investment from most African countries. His possible response will be that of a reality show host – eject any errant contestants.
Another factor that will affect investment is that Trump is going to improve American infrastructure. I think he is going to borrow and he is going to use the money to rebuild the US because that is his project, to “make America great again”. He will most certainly not care if it comes at the expense of aid to or trade with a number African countries.
The next four years promise to test Africa’s place in the world. The lodestars by which we have understood politics such as rightwing, fiscal conservative, social conservative are all going to be overturned.
Donald Trump’s foreign policy on Africa is likely to be: ‘Where’s that?’
Professor of Humanities and the Director of the Johannesburg Institute for Advanced Study (JIAS), University of Johannesburg
Africa is likely to slide down the list of foreign policy priorities of a Donald Trump administration. This is because America’s foreign policy is determined by both domestic and foreign issues.
When it comes to domestic factors Trump is not going to be open to lobbying by the African diaspora in the US which has, historically, always played an important role in pushing African policy and keeping the continent on the domestic agenda. But this constituency hasn’t helpedTrump at all in this election so there’s no need for any payback. And I think that the kind of visibility Africa had is also going to fall in social movements and society in general in the US.
Trump is also unlikely to have any tolerance for the idea that the African diaspora is part of the “sixth region” of Africa. The African Union recognises people of African decent who live outside the continent as the sixth region, in addition to southern, eastern, central, western and northern Africa.
This isn’t going to be something that is of much concern to the new president-elect.
In addition, I think that he is going to be intolerant and disinterested in issues around the domestic politics of African countries. That is unless – as he was very clear in his acceptance speech – they strongly impinge on American national interests.
For example, I don’t think he is going to be very interested in what is happening in Somalia or Ethiopia or in other parts of Africa where there may be conflict. Trump hasn’t got a great capacity for detail, so at best he will live by macro assessments.
The other break with tradition is that it’s impossible to predict who he will chose as his assistant-secretary of state for Africa. As a follower of foreign policy over the past 40 years it has been possible, in nearly all instances, to know who the new incumbent is likely to be. Examples include Chester Crocker, Hank Cohen and Susan Rice. Now with Trump, we simply have no indication.
With this in mind I think it is really important for African countries, including South Africa, to be very conscious, constructive and conspicuous in their choices of ambassador. These appointments will be crucial in opening the doors to the new Trump administration. The worst that African countries can do, however difficult it will be politically, would be to show their displeasure and hold their noses.
Security will be a major issue
Security is going to be a major issue on Trump’s foreign policy agenda. This points directly at the US African Command, which was established in 2007. Africom, as it is generally known, is one of six of the US Defence Department’s “geographic combatant commands and is responsible to the Secretary of Defence for military relations with African nations, the African Union and African regional security organisations”.
When it comes to American policy in Africa, Africom is very likely to emerge as its central piece. Given Trump’s expressed, belligerent viewson the Muslim world, Africom will be set to be the lynchpin. I think African countries should resist this because it is central to American ideology in the world and will bring African countries into conflict with China. But whether African states will in fact resist is a different issue.
In fact, I think one of the issues African leaders will have to be careful about now is how they have to manage their relationships with China and the US. The US has been a little bit lackadaisical in its approach to Africa while China has made great strides on the continent. Not all, in my view, bad. The US will in all likelihood resist the inroads China has made, an issue African leaders will have to manage with kid gloves.
Trade won’t be a given
The African Growth and Opportunity Act AGOA, which came into effect 16 years ago, is aimed at expanding US trade and investment with sub-Saharan Africa. It is supposed to “stimulate economic growth, to encourage economic integration, and to facilitate sub-Saharan Africa’s integration into the global economy”.
There’s still some life left in the act. But it’s clear that Trump is protectionist. He is not going to tolerate any expansion or extension of the agreement, or any misunderstandings. This means American trade policy under Trump needs to be watched closely.
There is also likely to be a decline in aid to Africa from the US. For some African countries aid from the US is absolutely crucial. Take Malawi for example, where it is essential and necessary. As a businessman Trump will want something in return and it’s unlikely he will get his sort of returns on investment from most African countries. His possible response will be that of a reality show host – eject any errant contestants.
Another factor that will affect investment is that Trump is going to improve American infrastructure. I think he is going to borrow and he is going to use the money to rebuild the US because that is his project, to “make America great again”. He will most certainly not care if it comes at the expense of aid to or trade with a number African countries.
The next four years promise to test Africa’s place in the world. The lodestars by which we have understood politics such as rightwing, fiscal conservative, social conservative are all going to be overturned.
What Donald Trump’s presidency means for Africa
By Mark Anderson and Nicholas Norbrook | The Africa Report
Donald Trump has been elected the 45th president of the United States. Here’s what his presidency could mean for Africa:
Slowing economic growth
Africa’s economies are already struggling with the downturn. If Trump’s nationalist rhetoric on trade is translated into action, expect, “a global recession, with no end in sight”, according to economist Paul Krugman. The recently re-signed AGOA trade deal between Africa and the US, worth some $50bn, is under threat. More seriously, if Trump holds good to his promise to pick a trade war with China, the aggregate demand for commodities will plummet further – one of the key drivers of many African economies.
Upon news of Trump’s election, stock futures fell in Asia and Europe and the Dow Jones dropped 800 points. Financial markets see Trump as an uncertainty. He has suggested that the US should buy back some of its $20tn debt – at a discount of course.
Empowering dictators
Trump is known to be fond of the leadership styles of Saddam Hussein and Vladimir Putin. The US president-elect has already been congratulated by two members of Africa’s third term club: Burundi’s President Pierre Nkurunziza and Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni.
Trump has publicly supported torture and called for the killing of the families of terrorists. He also supports the continuing use of the notorious Guantanamo Bay facility in Cuba. Incumbent President Barack Obama had promised to close that facility during his presidency.
Slashing development aid
The US is the world’s biggest bilateral aid donor. Last year Washington spent $31bn on overseas development assistance, with much of those funds going to Africa. In an interview with the Washington Post, Trump said his presidency will focus on internal programmes rather than overseas aid. “We have no money for education because we can’t build in our own country,” he said. “And at what point do you say hey, we have to take care of ourselves. So, you know, I know the outer world exists and I’ll be very cognizant of that but at the same time, our country is disintegrating, large sections of it, especially in the inner cities.”
Trump has, however, spoken out in support of the US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, which was former President George W. Bush’s main Africa-focused initiative during his presidency between 2000 and 2008.
Extremist recruitment
Trump’s calls for a temporary ban on muslim immigrants into the US was heavily criticised as xenophobic and divisive. Somali terror group Al Shabaab has cells in the US, most notably in Minnesota where there is a large Somali population. On Monday, Trump spoke out against the Somali community during a visit to Minnesota. “You’ve seen first-hand the problems caused with faulty refugee vetting, with very large numbers of Somali refugees coming into your state without your knowledge, without your support or approval,” he told a cheering crowd. “Some of them [are] joining Isis and spreading their extremist views all over our country and all over the world.” These comments are likely to make more young men feel marginalised, driving them into the arms of terror organisations.
Climate change
Trump’s victory will land as a bombshell in Marrakech, where politicians and activists are gathering to continue implementation of the landmark climate deal signed in Paris last year. But many of Trump’s supporters are climate change skeptics. For the many Africans living on coasts threatened by rising seawaters – 20 million people in Nigeria alone – this is bad news. Likewise the two in three people on the continent who rely on agriculture, and are threatened by drought and water shortages.
European repercussions
And with elections scheduled across Europe in 2017 – France, Germany, Italy – might far-right forces like the Front Nationale feel the wind at their back? Should a populist wave crash across Europe, migrants already under siege will face tougher pressures. Already in post-Brexit Britain, racists have been emboldened in their physical confrontations with migrants. Identity checks, internment camps, populist-inspired violence, closed borders: europeans may have uncomfortable flashbacks to the 1930s.
Read the original article on Theafricareport.com : What Donald Trump’s presidency means for Africa | International
Follow us: @theafricareport on Twitter | theafricareport on Facebook
What Donald Trump’s presidency means for Africa
By Mark Anderson and Nicholas Norbrook | The Africa Report
Donald Trump has been elected the 45th president of the United States. Here’s what his presidency could mean for Africa:
Slowing economic growth
Africa’s economies are already struggling with the downturn. If Trump’s nationalist rhetoric on trade is translated into action, expect, “a global recession, with no end in sight”, according to economist Paul Krugman. The recently re-signed AGOA trade deal between Africa and the US, worth some $50bn, is under threat. More seriously, if Trump holds good to his promise to pick a trade war with China, the aggregate demand for commodities will plummet further – one of the key drivers of many African economies.
Upon news of Trump’s election, stock futures fell in Asia and Europe and the Dow Jones dropped 800 points. Financial markets see Trump as an uncertainty. He has suggested that the US should buy back some of its $20tn debt – at a discount of course.
Empowering dictators
Trump is known to be fond of the leadership styles of Saddam Hussein and Vladimir Putin. The US president-elect has already been congratulated by two members of Africa’s third term club: Burundi’s President Pierre Nkurunziza and Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni.
Trump has publicly supported torture and called for the killing of the families of terrorists. He also supports the continuing use of the notorious Guantanamo Bay facility in Cuba. Incumbent President Barack Obama had promised to close that facility during his presidency.
Slashing development aid
The US is the world’s biggest bilateral aid donor. Last year Washington spent $31bn on overseas development assistance, with much of those funds going to Africa. In an interview with the Washington Post, Trump said his presidency will focus on internal programmes rather than overseas aid. “We have no money for education because we can’t build in our own country,” he said. “And at what point do you say hey, we have to take care of ourselves. So, you know, I know the outer world exists and I’ll be very cognizant of that but at the same time, our country is disintegrating, large sections of it, especially in the inner cities.”
Trump has, however, spoken out in support of the US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, which was former President George W. Bush’s main Africa-focused initiative during his presidency between 2000 and 2008.
Extremist recruitment
Trump’s calls for a temporary ban on muslim immigrants into the US was heavily criticised as xenophobic and divisive. Somali terror group Al Shabaab has cells in the US, most notably in Minnesota where there is a large Somali population. On Monday, Trump spoke out against the Somali community during a visit to Minnesota. “You’ve seen first-hand the problems caused with faulty refugee vetting, with very large numbers of Somali refugees coming into your state without your knowledge, without your support or approval,” he told a cheering crowd. “Some of them [are] joining Isis and spreading their extremist views all over our country and all over the world.” These comments are likely to make more young men feel marginalised, driving them into the arms of terror organisations.
Climate change
Trump’s victory will land as a bombshell in Marrakech, where politicians and activists are gathering to continue implementation of the landmark climate deal signed in Paris last year. But many of Trump’s supporters are climate change skeptics. For the many Africans living on coasts threatened by rising seawaters – 20 million people in Nigeria alone – this is bad news. Likewise the two in three people on the continent who rely on agriculture, and are threatened by drought and water shortages.
European repercussions
And with elections scheduled across Europe in 2017 – France, Germany, Italy – might far-right forces like the Front Nationale feel the wind at their back? Should a populist wave crash across Europe, migrants already under siege will face tougher pressures. Already in post-Brexit Britain, racists have been emboldened in their physical confrontations with migrants. Identity checks, internment camps, populist-inspired violence, closed borders: europeans may have uncomfortable flashbacks to the 1930s.
Read the original article on Theafricareport.com : What Donald Trump’s presidency means for Africa | International
Follow us: @theafricareport on Twitter | theafricareport on Facebook
ብሎክቼይን አዲሱ ኢንተርኔት
By Geleta Gammo
ብሎክቼይን ማለት በመሰረቱ ያልተማከለ የመረጃ መዝገብ ነው። በዚህ የመረጃ መዝገብ ላይ የሚመዘገቡ ነገሮች ሁሉ
1፣ ያልተማከለ ነው። ማለት፣ አንድ መረጃ በብሎክቼይን ላይ ሲመዘገብ የመረጃው ቅጂ ከብሎክቼይኑ ጋር በተያያዙ በሚሊዮኖች በሚቆጠሩ ኮምፑተሮች ሁሉ ላይ ይቀመጣል። ይህ ማለት መረጃው ሊጠፋ አይችልም።
ምሳሌ1፣ በስሜ የተመዘገበ የቤት ካርታ ቢኖረኝና ይህንን ብሎክቼይን ላይ ባስመዘግብ ያ የኔን ስም የያዘ ካርታ ተባዝቶ በመላው ዓለም ባሉ ኮምፑተሮች ይቀመጣል። የኔ ኮሙፑተር ቢሰረቅ ካርታው በኔ ስም እስካለ ድረስ ምንም ለውጥ አያመጣም።
ምሳሌ 2፣ አንድ ሰው የህክምና ታሪክ መዝገብ አለው ብንል ይህ መዝገብ በብሎክቼይን ላይ ከተቀመጠ ሁሌም አዲስ ነገር ሲመጣ እየተጨመረበት ይኖራል። ወደ አዲስ ዶክቶር ጋ ሰውዬው ሲሄድ የመዝገብ ቁጥሩን ቁልፍ ለዶክቶሩ ሲሰጠው የታማሚውን የጤና ታሪክ ዶክቶሩ አይቶ የበለጠ ይረዳል።
ምሳሌ3፣ አንድ ሰው ማንነቱን ለማሳወቅ ራሱን ሊያሳውቁ ከሚችሉት ነገሮች ጋር አንድ ጊዜ ራሱን ብሎክቼይን ላይ መመዝገብ ብቻ ነው። ለምሳሌ ፎቶውን የጣት አሻራውን ቢያስቀምጥና ከዚህ መታወቂያው ጋር የቤት ካርታውን ወይም የህክምና መዝገቡን የባምክ ቁጥሩን ቢያያይዝ፣ ሌላ መታወቂያ አያስፈልገውም። የትም ዓለም ቢሄድ ፓስፖርት አያስፈገውም። ማንነቱን ከብሎክ ቼይን ላይ ማሳየት ይችላል። ማሳየት ለሚፈልገው ብቻ ያሳያል።
2፣ መረጃው ተመስርጠው (encrypted) ሆነው ይመዘገባሉ። ይህ ማለት ቁልፉን ከያዘው በስተቀር ማንም ሊያየው አይችለም። ቁልፎቹ ሁለት ናቸው። አንደኛው የባሌበቱ ቁልፍ ሲሆን ሌላው ሌላ ሰው እንዲያይ የሚሰጥ ቁልፍ ነው። ይህ ለሌላ የሚሰጠው በተቀባዩ መታወቂያ ቁልፍ ስለሚመዘገብ የተሰጠው ሰውየ ብቻ ነው ሊያይ የሚችለው። ለሌላ አሳልፎ መስጠት አይችልም። ያንን እንዲያደርግ ፈቃድ ካልተሰጠው በስተቀር። ባለቤቱ በፈለገው ጊዜ ያንን ለሰው የተሰጠ ቁልፍ መሰረዝ ይችላል።
ምስሌ 1፣ የተገለጸው የቤት ካርታ ሙሉ በሙሉ ለሁሉም እንዲታይ፣ የተወሰነው መረጃ ብቻ እንዲታይ፣ ለተወሰነ ሰው ብቻ እንዲታይ ማድረግ ይቻላል። ለምሳሌ የባለቤቱ ስም እንዳይታይና የመሬቱ ስፋት ብቻ ለህዝብ እንዲታይ ማድረግ ይቻላል። ፍርድ ቤት ሲቀርብ ዳኛውና ፖሊስ ብቻ ስሙ ምን እንደሚል ማሳየት ይቻላል።
ምሳሌ3፣ የህክምና መረጃው ለዶር ብቻ እንዲታይ ማድረግ ይቻላል። ዶሩ ህክምናውን ሲጨርስ ለሱ የተዘጋጀው ቁልፍ ከተሰረዘ ዶሩ ተመልሶ መግባት አይችለም።
ነገር ግን ስም ሳይታይ የበሽታው ዓይነት፣ የተወሰደው መድሃኒት፣ ለመዳን የወሰደበት ጊዜ የመሳሰሉት ለሁሉም ዶክቶሮች ወይም ተመራማሪዎች ስም ሳይኖር እንዲታይ ማድረግ ይቻላል። ያ ማለት ተመራማሪዎች ስንተ በዚህ በሽታ ታማሚ እንዳለና የትኛው መድሃኒት እንደሚሰራ ማወቅ ይችላሉ። ይህ ለምርምር በጣም ጠቃሚ ነው። እስከ ዛሬ ያሉ የህክምና ምርምሮችን አስቸጋሪ የሚያደርገው እንዲህ ዓይነት መረጃ አለመገኘት ነው።
ምሳሌ3፣ የጣት አሻራውን ከብሎክ ቼይን ጋር በማመሳከር ማንነቱንና ከየት እንደመጣ እንዲታወቅ አድርጎ ማስመዝገብ ይችላል። ሌላውን መረጃ ተጨማሪ ቁልፍ አድርጎበት። ያ ማለት ሰውዬው የትም አገር ሄዶ ራሱን ቢስት ቢያንስ ማን እንደሆነ ከየት እንደመጣ ወዲያው ይታወቃል። የአደጋ ጊዜ ተጠሪ ቢያስቀምጥና ሁለት ሶስት እንዲህ ዓይነት ሰዎችን አብረው ከፈረሙ ሌላው መረጃው ሁሉ እንዲታይ ማድረግ ይችላል።
ቢሞት አምስት የሚያምናቸው ሰዎች ከፈረሙበት በሱ ስም የተመዘገቡ ንብረቶች ለማዛወር እንዲቻል ማድረግ ይቻላል፡
የመክፈቻ ቁልፉ ቢጠፋበት ማንነቱን የሚገልጹ ቀድሞ የመረጣቸው አምስት ሰዎች እንዲፈርሙ ባምድረግ ማንነቱን ማሳወቅ ይችላል። ያ ማለት ማንም ሌላውን አስመስኦ ምንም ማድረግ አይችልም። (identity theft) አይኖርም።
3፣ በዚህ የመረጃ መዝገብ ላይ የተመዘገበ ነገር መሰረዝ ወይም መቀየር አይቻልም። መረጃው ብሎክቼይን የተባለበትም ምክንያት ለዚህ ነው። መረጃው በጥቅል ጥቅል ተደርጎ ርስበርሱ በተመዘገበበት ጊዜ ቅደም ተከተል ይቀመጣል። ይህ ቅደም ተከተል አይዛነፍም። የመጀመሪያውና የሚቀጥለው መረጃ በጊዜ ማኅተም (time stamp) የተቆራኙ በመሆናቸው በመሃከላቸው አዲስ ነገር ማስገባት አይቻልም።
ምሳሌ1፣ የቤት ካርታው አንዴ ከተመዘገበ ባለቤቱ እስካልፈረመ ድረስ ለዘላለም እዛው ይኖራል። ነገርግን ቤቱ ቢሸጥ ካርታው መዝገቡ ላይ ካርታው ወደየት እንደሄደ ተመዝግቦ ወደ አዲሱ ባለቤት መዝገብ ይገባል። አዲሱ ባለቤት መዝገብ ላይም ካርታው ከየት፣ መቼ እንደመጣ ይመዘገባል። ይህ የተመዘገበው ነገርም ለዘላለም አይጠፋም።
ምሳሌ2፣ ይህንኑ ካርታ ሌላ ዋጋ ያለው ነገር ነው ብንል፣ ለምሳሌ መኪና፣ አልማዝ፣ ወርቅ፣ ብር ነው ብንል ፣ መኪናውም ሆነ አልማዙ፣ ወርቁም ሆነ ብሩ ከየት ተነስቶ ወዴት እንደሄደና ለምን እንደሄደ (በሽያጭ ይሁን በስጦታ) ተመዝግቦ ለዘላለም ይቀመጣል። ማንም ሰው ሊሰርዘው ሊደልዘው አይችልም። አንድ ሰው ራሱ ኮምፑተር ላይ ያለውን ብሎክቼይን ውስጥ ያለውን መረጃ ወደ ኋላ ሄዶ ቢቀይር ምንም ጥቅም የለውም። ምክንያቱም የተቀየረበትን ጊዜ ሌሎች ኮፑተሮች ከራስቸው መረጃ ጋር ስለሚያመሳክሩ አይቀበሉትም።
ይህ ማለት ሙስናና ስርቆት በፍጹም የማይቻል ይሆናል ማለት ነው።
4፣ ብሎክቸይን ሶስተኛ ምስክር አይፈልግ።
አሁ ባለበት ሁኔታ ማንኛውምንም ንብረት ለማስተላለፍ ወይ የውልና መረጃ መሄድ ወይም ምስክሮችን ማቆም ያስፈልጋል። ወይ ፍርድ ቤት መሄድ ያስፈጋል። ይህ ደግሞ ጊዜና ገንዘብ ይፈጃል።
ምሳሌ፣ ቤቴን ወይም መኪናዬን መሸጥ ብፈልግ፣ ሶስተኛ ምስክር ወይም መገናኛ መሄድ አያስፈልገኝም። ሰውዬውንም ማግኘት አያስፈልገኝም። ገዢና ሻጭ ከተስማሙ የብሎክቼይን ውል ይፈራረማሉ። ይህ ውል በብሎክ ቼይን ብልጥ ውል (smart contract) በመባል ይታወቃል።
በመሰረቱ ይህ ውል የኮምፑተር ፕሮግራም ነው። ማንኛውም የኮምፑተር ፕሮግራም በመሰረቱ ትዕዛዝ ነው። ሁሉም ፕሮግራሞች ይህ ሲደረግ ይህንን አድርግ የሚል ትዕዛዞች ናቸው።
ይህ ወደ ውል ሲቀየር ከገዢ አካውንት አንድ መቶ ሺህ ብር ወደ ሻጭ አካውንት ሲገባ የካርታውን ወይም የመኪናውን ስም ወደ ገዢ አዙር ተብሎ የሚጻፍ ውል ነው። በሶስት ቀን ውስጥ ገንዘቡ ካልገባ ውሉ ይሰረዝ የሚልም ሊጨመርበት ይችላል። መያዣ አንድ ሺህ ብር ሲገባ ውሉ የሶስት ቀን ገደቡን እንዲያከብር፣ መያዣ ካልገባ ለ 1 ሰዓት ብቻ እንዲጠብቅም ማዘዝ ይቻላል። የተለያየ ዓይነት ትዕዛዝ መስጠት ይቻላል።
ይህንን ውል ሁለቱም በብሎክቼይን ላይ የግል ቁልፋቸውን በማሳየት ይፈርማሉ። ይህ ውል ከተፈረመ በኋላ በሁለቱም ስምምነት ካልሆነ የትኛውም ወገን በራሱ ሊቀይረው አይችልም። መሰረዝም ማስተካክለም አይቻልም። በዚህ ውል መሰረትም፣ ቤቱም ሆነ መኪናው በውሉ ጊዜ ለሌላ ሰው እንዳይተላለፉ መቆለፍም ይቻላል።
ገዢው የተዋዋሉትን ገንዘብ መጠን በሻጩ አካውንት ሲያስገባ ወዲያውኑ የቤቱ ካርታም ሆነ የመኪና ሊብሬው ወደ ገዢው ይተላለፋል።
ለምሳሌ የመኪናው ቁልፍ ወይም የቤቱ ቤት ቁልፍ በእጅ አሻራ የሚከፈት ቢሆን መኪናው ከዛ በኋላ በቀድሞው ባለቤቱ አሻራ አይከፈትም ማለት ነው። መኪናው አልነሳም ሊልም ይችላል።
ዛሬ ስልኮች ሳይቀሩ በአሻራ መክፈትና መዝጋት በሚቻልበት ጊዜ ይህንን ማድረግ በጣም ቀላል ነው።
5፣ ብሎክቼይንን በመጠቀም የምርጫ ድምጽ መስጠት ይቻላል። በብሎክ ቼይን የተደረገ ምርጫን መስረቅ አይቻልም። ይህ ማለት ዲሞክራሲ….
6፣ የብሎክ ቼይንን ጥቅም ላይ የሚያውል ድርጅት መዝገቡ ሊሰረቅበት አይችልም፣ ጉልበተኛ ሊዘጋው አይችልም፣ ሌቦች፣ ሙሰኞች ሊበሉት አይችሉም…
ዘላለማዊ ይሆናል ማለት ነው።
ብሎክቼይን አዲሱ ኢንተርኔት
By Geleta Gammo
ብሎክቼይን ማለት በመሰረቱ ያልተማከለ የመረጃ መዝገብ ነው። በዚህ የመረጃ መዝገብ ላይ የሚመዘገቡ ነገሮች ሁሉ
1፣ ያልተማከለ ነው። ማለት፣ አንድ መረጃ በብሎክቼይን ላይ ሲመዘገብ የመረጃው ቅጂ ከብሎክቼይኑ ጋር በተያያዙ በሚሊዮኖች በሚቆጠሩ ኮምፑተሮች ሁሉ ላይ ይቀመጣል። ይህ ማለት መረጃው ሊጠፋ አይችልም።
ምሳሌ1፣ በስሜ የተመዘገበ የቤት ካርታ ቢኖረኝና ይህንን ብሎክቼይን ላይ ባስመዘግብ ያ የኔን ስም የያዘ ካርታ ተባዝቶ በመላው ዓለም ባሉ ኮምፑተሮች ይቀመጣል። የኔ ኮሙፑተር ቢሰረቅ ካርታው በኔ ስም እስካለ ድረስ ምንም ለውጥ አያመጣም።
ምሳሌ 2፣ አንድ ሰው የህክምና ታሪክ መዝገብ አለው ብንል ይህ መዝገብ በብሎክቼይን ላይ ከተቀመጠ ሁሌም አዲስ ነገር ሲመጣ እየተጨመረበት ይኖራል። ወደ አዲስ ዶክቶር ጋ ሰውዬው ሲሄድ የመዝገብ ቁጥሩን ቁልፍ ለዶክቶሩ ሲሰጠው የታማሚውን የጤና ታሪክ ዶክቶሩ አይቶ የበለጠ ይረዳል።
ምሳሌ3፣ አንድ ሰው ማንነቱን ለማሳወቅ ራሱን ሊያሳውቁ ከሚችሉት ነገሮች ጋር አንድ ጊዜ ራሱን ብሎክቼይን ላይ መመዝገብ ብቻ ነው። ለምሳሌ ፎቶውን የጣት አሻራውን ቢያስቀምጥና ከዚህ መታወቂያው ጋር የቤት ካርታውን ወይም የህክምና መዝገቡን የባምክ ቁጥሩን ቢያያይዝ፣ ሌላ መታወቂያ አያስፈልገውም። የትም ዓለም ቢሄድ ፓስፖርት አያስፈገውም። ማንነቱን ከብሎክ ቼይን ላይ ማሳየት ይችላል። ማሳየት ለሚፈልገው ብቻ ያሳያል።
2፣ መረጃው ተመስርጠው (encrypted) ሆነው ይመዘገባሉ። ይህ ማለት ቁልፉን ከያዘው በስተቀር ማንም ሊያየው አይችለም። ቁልፎቹ ሁለት ናቸው። አንደኛው የባሌበቱ ቁልፍ ሲሆን ሌላው ሌላ ሰው እንዲያይ የሚሰጥ ቁልፍ ነው። ይህ ለሌላ የሚሰጠው በተቀባዩ መታወቂያ ቁልፍ ስለሚመዘገብ የተሰጠው ሰውየ ብቻ ነው ሊያይ የሚችለው። ለሌላ አሳልፎ መስጠት አይችልም። ያንን እንዲያደርግ ፈቃድ ካልተሰጠው በስተቀር። ባለቤቱ በፈለገው ጊዜ ያንን ለሰው የተሰጠ ቁልፍ መሰረዝ ይችላል።
ምስሌ 1፣ የተገለጸው የቤት ካርታ ሙሉ በሙሉ ለሁሉም እንዲታይ፣ የተወሰነው መረጃ ብቻ እንዲታይ፣ ለተወሰነ ሰው ብቻ እንዲታይ ማድረግ ይቻላል። ለምሳሌ የባለቤቱ ስም እንዳይታይና የመሬቱ ስፋት ብቻ ለህዝብ እንዲታይ ማድረግ ይቻላል። ፍርድ ቤት ሲቀርብ ዳኛውና ፖሊስ ብቻ ስሙ ምን እንደሚል ማሳየት ይቻላል።
ምሳሌ3፣ የህክምና መረጃው ለዶር ብቻ እንዲታይ ማድረግ ይቻላል። ዶሩ ህክምናውን ሲጨርስ ለሱ የተዘጋጀው ቁልፍ ከተሰረዘ ዶሩ ተመልሶ መግባት አይችለም።
ነገር ግን ስም ሳይታይ የበሽታው ዓይነት፣ የተወሰደው መድሃኒት፣ ለመዳን የወሰደበት ጊዜ የመሳሰሉት ለሁሉም ዶክቶሮች ወይም ተመራማሪዎች ስም ሳይኖር እንዲታይ ማድረግ ይቻላል። ያ ማለት ተመራማሪዎች ስንተ በዚህ በሽታ ታማሚ እንዳለና የትኛው መድሃኒት እንደሚሰራ ማወቅ ይችላሉ። ይህ ለምርምር በጣም ጠቃሚ ነው። እስከ ዛሬ ያሉ የህክምና ምርምሮችን አስቸጋሪ የሚያደርገው እንዲህ ዓይነት መረጃ አለመገኘት ነው።
ምሳሌ3፣ የጣት አሻራውን ከብሎክ ቼይን ጋር በማመሳከር ማንነቱንና ከየት እንደመጣ እንዲታወቅ አድርጎ ማስመዝገብ ይችላል። ሌላውን መረጃ ተጨማሪ ቁልፍ አድርጎበት። ያ ማለት ሰውዬው የትም አገር ሄዶ ራሱን ቢስት ቢያንስ ማን እንደሆነ ከየት እንደመጣ ወዲያው ይታወቃል። የአደጋ ጊዜ ተጠሪ ቢያስቀምጥና ሁለት ሶስት እንዲህ ዓይነት ሰዎችን አብረው ከፈረሙ ሌላው መረጃው ሁሉ እንዲታይ ማድረግ ይችላል።
ቢሞት አምስት የሚያምናቸው ሰዎች ከፈረሙበት በሱ ስም የተመዘገቡ ንብረቶች ለማዛወር እንዲቻል ማድረግ ይቻላል፡
የመክፈቻ ቁልፉ ቢጠፋበት ማንነቱን የሚገልጹ ቀድሞ የመረጣቸው አምስት ሰዎች እንዲፈርሙ ባምድረግ ማንነቱን ማሳወቅ ይችላል። ያ ማለት ማንም ሌላውን አስመስኦ ምንም ማድረግ አይችልም። (identity theft) አይኖርም።
3፣ በዚህ የመረጃ መዝገብ ላይ የተመዘገበ ነገር መሰረዝ ወይም መቀየር አይቻልም። መረጃው ብሎክቼይን የተባለበትም ምክንያት ለዚህ ነው። መረጃው በጥቅል ጥቅል ተደርጎ ርስበርሱ በተመዘገበበት ጊዜ ቅደም ተከተል ይቀመጣል። ይህ ቅደም ተከተል አይዛነፍም። የመጀመሪያውና የሚቀጥለው መረጃ በጊዜ ማኅተም (time stamp) የተቆራኙ በመሆናቸው በመሃከላቸው አዲስ ነገር ማስገባት አይቻልም።
ምሳሌ1፣ የቤት ካርታው አንዴ ከተመዘገበ ባለቤቱ እስካልፈረመ ድረስ ለዘላለም እዛው ይኖራል። ነገርግን ቤቱ ቢሸጥ ካርታው መዝገቡ ላይ ካርታው ወደየት እንደሄደ ተመዝግቦ ወደ አዲሱ ባለቤት መዝገብ ይገባል። አዲሱ ባለቤት መዝገብ ላይም ካርታው ከየት፣ መቼ እንደመጣ ይመዘገባል። ይህ የተመዘገበው ነገርም ለዘላለም አይጠፋም።
ምሳሌ2፣ ይህንኑ ካርታ ሌላ ዋጋ ያለው ነገር ነው ብንል፣ ለምሳሌ መኪና፣ አልማዝ፣ ወርቅ፣ ብር ነው ብንል ፣ መኪናውም ሆነ አልማዙ፣ ወርቁም ሆነ ብሩ ከየት ተነስቶ ወዴት እንደሄደና ለምን እንደሄደ (በሽያጭ ይሁን በስጦታ) ተመዝግቦ ለዘላለም ይቀመጣል። ማንም ሰው ሊሰርዘው ሊደልዘው አይችልም። አንድ ሰው ራሱ ኮምፑተር ላይ ያለውን ብሎክቼይን ውስጥ ያለውን መረጃ ወደ ኋላ ሄዶ ቢቀይር ምንም ጥቅም የለውም። ምክንያቱም የተቀየረበትን ጊዜ ሌሎች ኮፑተሮች ከራስቸው መረጃ ጋር ስለሚያመሳክሩ አይቀበሉትም።
ይህ ማለት ሙስናና ስርቆት በፍጹም የማይቻል ይሆናል ማለት ነው።
4፣ ብሎክቸይን ሶስተኛ ምስክር አይፈልግ።
አሁ ባለበት ሁኔታ ማንኛውምንም ንብረት ለማስተላለፍ ወይ የውልና መረጃ መሄድ ወይም ምስክሮችን ማቆም ያስፈልጋል። ወይ ፍርድ ቤት መሄድ ያስፈጋል። ይህ ደግሞ ጊዜና ገንዘብ ይፈጃል።
ምሳሌ፣ ቤቴን ወይም መኪናዬን መሸጥ ብፈልግ፣ ሶስተኛ ምስክር ወይም መገናኛ መሄድ አያስፈልገኝም። ሰውዬውንም ማግኘት አያስፈልገኝም። ገዢና ሻጭ ከተስማሙ የብሎክቼይን ውል ይፈራረማሉ። ይህ ውል በብሎክ ቼይን ብልጥ ውል (smart contract) በመባል ይታወቃል።
በመሰረቱ ይህ ውል የኮምፑተር ፕሮግራም ነው። ማንኛውም የኮምፑተር ፕሮግራም በመሰረቱ ትዕዛዝ ነው። ሁሉም ፕሮግራሞች ይህ ሲደረግ ይህንን አድርግ የሚል ትዕዛዞች ናቸው።
ይህ ወደ ውል ሲቀየር ከገዢ አካውንት አንድ መቶ ሺህ ብር ወደ ሻጭ አካውንት ሲገባ የካርታውን ወይም የመኪናውን ስም ወደ ገዢ አዙር ተብሎ የሚጻፍ ውል ነው። በሶስት ቀን ውስጥ ገንዘቡ ካልገባ ውሉ ይሰረዝ የሚልም ሊጨመርበት ይችላል። መያዣ አንድ ሺህ ብር ሲገባ ውሉ የሶስት ቀን ገደቡን እንዲያከብር፣ መያዣ ካልገባ ለ 1 ሰዓት ብቻ እንዲጠብቅም ማዘዝ ይቻላል። የተለያየ ዓይነት ትዕዛዝ መስጠት ይቻላል።
ይህንን ውል ሁለቱም በብሎክቼይን ላይ የግል ቁልፋቸውን በማሳየት ይፈርማሉ። ይህ ውል ከተፈረመ በኋላ በሁለቱም ስምምነት ካልሆነ የትኛውም ወገን በራሱ ሊቀይረው አይችልም። መሰረዝም ማስተካክለም አይቻልም። በዚህ ውል መሰረትም፣ ቤቱም ሆነ መኪናው በውሉ ጊዜ ለሌላ ሰው እንዳይተላለፉ መቆለፍም ይቻላል።
ገዢው የተዋዋሉትን ገንዘብ መጠን በሻጩ አካውንት ሲያስገባ ወዲያውኑ የቤቱ ካርታም ሆነ የመኪና ሊብሬው ወደ ገዢው ይተላለፋል።
ለምሳሌ የመኪናው ቁልፍ ወይም የቤቱ ቤት ቁልፍ በእጅ አሻራ የሚከፈት ቢሆን መኪናው ከዛ በኋላ በቀድሞው ባለቤቱ አሻራ አይከፈትም ማለት ነው። መኪናው አልነሳም ሊልም ይችላል።
ዛሬ ስልኮች ሳይቀሩ በአሻራ መክፈትና መዝጋት በሚቻልበት ጊዜ ይህንን ማድረግ በጣም ቀላል ነው።
5፣ ብሎክቼይንን በመጠቀም የምርጫ ድምጽ መስጠት ይቻላል። በብሎክ ቼይን የተደረገ ምርጫን መስረቅ አይቻልም። ይህ ማለት ዲሞክራሲ….
6፣ የብሎክ ቼይንን ጥቅም ላይ የሚያውል ድርጅት መዝገቡ ሊሰረቅበት አይችልም፣ ጉልበተኛ ሊዘጋው አይችልም፣ ሌቦች፣ ሙሰኞች ሊበሉት አይችሉም…
ዘላለማዊ ይሆናል ማለት ነው።
