ቢያዩኝ እስቅ፣ ካላዩኝ እሰርቅ-ወያኔ

UN rights body cannot ignore the situations in Ethiopia, Turkey and Bangladesh and

HRW

Image result for ethiopian protest and police in addis ababa

Human Rights Watch continues to be concerned about a number of country situations that are not receiving the attention they require from the Human Rights Council.

In Turkey, since the coup attempt on July 15, authorities have jailed over 22,000 soldiers, officers, police, judges and prosecutors on suspicion of involvement with the coup. Up to 100,000 teachers and public servants have been suspended or dismissed. At least 131 media outlets have been shut down, and an estimated 116 journalists are in jail pending criminal investigation – the vast majority since the coup attempt. The state of emergency and emergency decrees have removed crucial safeguards against ill treatment and torture.

The Council should urgently support calls by the High Commissioner to allow access to places of detention for independent observers, and for an independent investigation into the violations committed in southeast Turkey.

Bangladesh has been hit by a series of violent attacks, culminating in the July 1 assault by armed militants on a café in central Dhaka. This was preceded by attacks on free expression and religious freedom: nearly 50 were killed including secularists, LGBT activists, and religious figures. Initially slow to respond, in reaction to rising international criticism authorities have arrested people seemingly arbitrarily and en masse. Many are being held secretly; some have been killed in raids.

Security forces have a long history of extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, and torture, but the targeting of the political opposition has escalated in recent years. We are increasingly concerned at the lack of basic due process rights, particularly given a politicized judiciary which hands down judgments leading to executions. We urge states to raise this situation at the Council and directly with the government.

In Ethiopia, in August security forces repeatedly fired on generally peaceful protesters, bringing the death toll to over 500 since the suppression of demonstrations began in Oromia in November 2015. Thousands more have been wounded and arrested. Since the government systematically restricts independent media and civil society, there has been limited reporting on the crackdown and inadequate international attention to this ongoing crisis. These human rights violations as well as the persistent denial of country visits by Special Procedures are not consistent with Ethiopia’s obligations as a Council Member and Vice-President. Human Rights Watch urges the Council to raise concerns over the serious abuses, particularly in the Oromia and Amhara regions, and support the High Commissioner’s call for an independent investigation into the unlawful killings and other violations.

Colin Powell admits existence of Israeli nukes, but State Dept stays silent

Israel has 200 nuclear weapons “all targeted on Tehran,” so Iran would not dare use a bomb even if it could make one, former Secretary of State Colin Powell said in a 2015 email, which has surfaced this week as part of a hacking scandal.

TrendsIsrael vs Iran

Unknown hackers have compromised Powell’s Gmail account, and the whistleblower website DCLeaks posted a trove of his emails on Wednesday. Powell’s spokeswoman Peggy Cifrino confirmed that the emails were authentic.

The email to Jeffrey Leeds, Powell’s business associate and major Democratic donor, contained an admission that Israel had nuclear weapons – something the key US ally has carefully avoided confirming or denying for years, in a policy called“nuclear ambiguity.”

“Anyway, Iranians can’t use one if they finally make one,” Powell wrote to Leeds on March 3, 2015, regarding the ongoing talks about Tehran’s nuclear program. “The boys in Tehran know Israel has 200, all targeted on Tehran, and we have thousands. As [Iranian President Mahmoudin Ahmedinejad said], ‘What would we do with one, polish it?’ I have spoken publicly about both [North Korea] and Iran. We’ll blow up the only thing they care about—regime survival. Where, how would they even test one?”

The letter came after Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had just visited Washington and given a fiery speech before Congress denouncing the proposed deal under which Iran would consent to invasive inspections in exchange for lifting of the nuclear-related sanctions. The deal was finalized in July 2015.

The State Department declined to answer RT’s Caleb Maupin when he asked for comment on Powell’s admission. Department spokesman John Kirby first refused to comment on the leaked emails, then declined to answer a follow-up on whether Israel should face the same treatment as Iran and North Korea – both of which have been sanctioned for alleged or actual violations of the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.

የዐማራ ብሔርተኝነት ለምን?

በዐማራ ብሔርተኝነት ላይ በማህበራዊ ሚዲያ ከሚጽፉ ጎልማሳ ወጣቶች ውስጥ አቶ አያሌው መንበር እና አቶ ሙሉቀን ተስፋው ጋር በፎረም 65 ላይ “የዐማራ ብሔርተኝነት ለምን?” በሚል አጭር ቆይታ አድርገናል።

ቢያዩኝ እስቅ፣ ካላዩኝ እሰርቅ-ወያኔ

ራስ ዳሽን (ራስ ደጀን) በትግራይ ክልል ውስጥ እንደሚገኝ የሚያሳየው የ6ኛ ክፍሉ የእንግሊዘኛ መጥሃፍ በስህተት የታተመ መሆኑን ፥ የክልሎችን ካርታ የሚያሳየው የ 10 ክፍል የስነ ዜጋ መጥሃፍ መጥሃፍም እንዲሁ ስህተት እንዳለበት ትምህርት ሚንስቴር አምኖ ይቅርታ ጠየቀ ይላል ዜናው ።

Behind the Ethiopia protests: A view from inside the government

African Arguments

An ex-cabinet minister in the Ethiopian government and former president of Oromia Regional State explains why the current turmoil has come as no surprise.

Scenes from the recent protests. Credit: Jawar Mohammed.

For over two decades, the Ethiopian government has been walking with its eyes shut towards the edge of the cliff. It is now tittering on the brink.

The protests and strikes that have been held across several towns and cities since last year and have intensified over the past couple of months may have come as a surprise to those who accepted the “Ethiopia rising” myth. But it has come as no surprise to those of us who have seen the political system unfurl from the inside.

[Ethiopia’s unprecedented nationwide Oromo protests: who, what, why?]

Missed opportunities

When a coalition of insurgent groups defeated the former military ruler Mengistu Hailemariam in 1991, most Ethiopians hoped the country would finally put aside its sad history of civil war and poverty and embark on a democratic and prosperous future.

This hope was not without reason. A transitional charter that got rid of the much despised centralised state structure culminated in a federal system that would give self-rule to the country’s 80-plus ethnic groups. Eritrea was allowed to hold a referendum to secede, which it did. Furthermore, given that the rising power-holders were former student radicals who had rebelled against military rule, many hoped the new leaders would be committed to democratic principles.

Yet within a year, this hope had begun to crumble. In 1992, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), a key member of the transitional government, was pushed out and resumed armed insurgency. Then, in 1994, the Ogaden National Liberation Front, which had represented the Somali ethnic group (the third largest in the country) in the negotiation of the Transitional Charter, also resumed armed struggle.

But despite such setbacks, many in the international community and in Ethiopia gave the new rulers the benefit of the doubt. In 1998, then US president Bill Clinton praised Prime Minister Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia, Isaias Afewerki of Eritrea and few others as the “new generation of democratic leaders” in Africa.

Domestically, some began to embrace the new rulers too, whether out of disappointment with the fractured opposition or because they were pleased with some positive changes in social and economic policy.

In 1998, war broke out with Eritrea. This conflict dashed hopes of peace in the region, but it brought about national cohesion within Ethiopia as the public rallied behind the government, led by the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF).

Many hoped the ruling party would use this support to establish an inclusive and democratic political system in the post-war era a couple years later. But instead, the war brought friction within the ruling party, with the winning faction led by Meles Zenawi purging almost half the senior leadership.

Nevertheless, this move still strengthened hopes for reform. The perception was that the hardliners had lost in the purge, while the reformists had won. Meles had also aligned himself with non-Tigreans to help him overcome the leadership challenge within the TPLF, leading many to assume Tigrean dominance would be reduced. Furthermore, the prime minister put several reforms on the agenda for internal and public discussion.

However, as it turned out, Meles was only keeping up the prospect of reform until he re-consolidated power. And he soon began attacking ideas of political and economic reform as part of conspiracies by neoliberal Western forces.

The country responded to the now growing authoritarianism and Tigrean domination by severely punishing the ruling coalition in the 2005 elections, with some claiming the opposition was robbed of victory by electoral fraud. In the face of the mass protests that ensued, Meles resorted to extreme repression and a crackdown against the opposition,killing hundreds.

At this point, many Oromo military generals gave up on the hope of internal reform and defected to Eritrea to join the OLF rebels. Amhara generals were accused of plotting a coup d’etat and were thrown in jail. And thousands of high and mid-ranking Amhara and Oromo officers were purged.

Meanwhile, mistrust and paranoia within the TPLF leadership continued to increase. In order to cut off economic support for the dissent, businessmen of Oromo, Amhara and Gurage origin had their business activities taken over by Tigreans or were jailed.

Meles’ death, Hailemariam’s staged succession

Meles died in the summer of 2012 after 21 years in power. As he was the main actor blocking reform due to fears of losing personal power, many believed his departure could lead to a fresh start. Those of us within the regime clandestinely circulated this idea.

However, the reaction from the TPLF leadership was extremely negative. They perceived the idea of a new transition as a conspiracy to push them aside. They appointed a non-Tigrean – Hailemariam Desalegn – to be Meles’ replacement, but this gesture was totally disingenuous as they simultaneously took swift measures to cripple the new PM’s power.

To begin with, they appointed some 37 generals, almost all of them Tigreans, before the new prime minister took office in violation of the constitution which gives such power to the prime minister and president.

They reduced the prime minister’s control over ministries by increasing the number of deputy prime ministers from one to three, with each ministry having to report to these deputies rather than the PM himself.

The Chief of Staff of the armed forces, the chiefs of intelligence, and foreign affairs remained in the hand of the TPLF. Several senior advisors were appointed to Hailemariam, almost all of them Tigreans. And while most of the hardline TPLF members who were pushed out in 2001 began to work covertly with the system again, those in government opposed to the increasing one-party monopoly were either demoted or, as in my case, purged.

The country did not only lose a chance to reform with Meles’ death, but entered a new and dangerous era. As the TPLF could not find a direct replacement for Meles, leadership rivalries emerged and fractured the TPLF. Meanwhile, several non-Tigreans in government finally gave up on internal reform and started actively colluding with opposition parties and activists.

No surprises

For those of us who have seen the genesis of the current crisis from the inside, the current turn of events is therefore not surprising.

The eruption of mass protests in the two largest regions of Oromia and Amhara was inevitable as these communities have been deliberately and systematically marginalised.

The resilience of these protests is also not unexpected, given not just the depth of the people’s grievances but the complete lack of will to reform from the government. Thebrutal response of the regime is also in keeping with its paranoia about the rise of either the Oromo or Amhara against Tigrayan domination or of the alliance between the two.

The government seems to think it can kill and jail its way out of this unprecedented crisis, but no government could ever kill or jail such a vast percentage of its population.

The ruling party has shown that it can no longer reform itself and the state apparatus. It is therefore in the best interest of the country and the region that the regime steps aside to allow an inclusive transitional arrangement.

Juneydi Saaddo is the former President of Oromia Regional State, the largest region in Ethiopia. He served as Ethiopia’s Minister for Transport & Communication, Minister for Science and Technology, and Civil Service Minister until 2012.

Israel’s role in South Sudan under scrutiny amid violence

By Tia Goldenberg and Justin Lynch | AP

JERUSALEM — Escalating violence in South Sudan is casting a light on Israel’s murky involvement in that conflict and raising questions about Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s new strategy of strengthening ties with African countries.

Netanyahu has been forging alliances across Africa in an effort he says will help blunt Palestinian diplomatic initiatives against Israel at the United Nations.

But critics says these new ties — illustrated by Netanyahu’s high-profile visit to several African countries in July — have come without regard for the human rights records of those allies.

Such concerns have been magnified by Israel’s close ties to South Sudan, whose government has used Israeli arms and surveillance equipment to crack down on its opponents. Critics say Israel’s global arms export policies lack transparency and proper oversight, and ignore the receiving country’s intended use.

“It is the role of the prime minister, the defense minister and the foreign minister to look out for Israel’s interests. But this has a limit: not at any cost and not with everyone,” said Tamar Zandberg, an Israeli opposition lawmaker who has filed a court appeal to halt Israeli sales of sensitive technology to South Sudan.

Israel has long viewed South Sudan as an important ally and a counterweight to neighboring Sudan’s support for Islamic Palestinian militants. Israel was one of the first countries to recognize South Sudan’s independence in 2011, and South Sudanese leader Salva Kiir visited Israel months later.

Since South Sudan descended into civil war in 2013, some 50,000 people have been killed and 2 million have been displaced.

In July, hundreds died when fighting erupted in the capital, Juba. South Sudanese troops went on a nearly four-hour rampage at a hotel, killing a local journalist while forcing others to watch, raping several foreign women, and looting the compound, several witnesses told The Associated Press.

Just days earlier, Netanyahu had traveled to four African countries — Uganda, Kenya, Rwanda and Ethiopia — in a visit meant to cultivate new allies in his diplomatic battle with the Palestinians. It was the first visit to sub-Saharan Africa by a sitting Israeli prime minister in nearly three decades.

During the visit, he convened a summit with seven regional leaders, including Kiir — nearly all of whom have been criticized by rights watchdogs for alleged abuses.

Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta has been charged by the International Criminal Court with crimes against humanity for his role in stoking ethnic violence, charges that were later withdrawn, with the prosecutor accusing Kenya of blocking her investigation. Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, 71, has served for 30 years and is trying to change the constitution so he can effectively extend his rule for life. Rwandan President Paul Kagame has been dogged by allegations of human rights abuses in neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo and criticized by rights groups for being an authoritarian ruler.

A U.N. report in January said Israeli surveillance equipment was being used by South Sudanese intelligence, allowing it to intercept communications in a “significantly enhanced” crackdown on government opponents.

The report also found that an Israeli automatic rifle known as the Micro Galil is “present in larger numbers than before the outbreak of the conflict.”

According to the report, Israel sold the rifles to Uganda in 2007, which transferred the weapons to South Sudan’s National Security Service in 2014. According to the report, Israel said it didn’t receive a request from Uganda for the transfer.

Eitay Mack, an Israeli lawyer working with Zandberg, the opposition lawmaker, said weapons export licenses require knowledge of end users and mid users — meaning the transfer would either have been done with Israel’s knowledge or would have prompted an investigation into the offending company. He said no investigation was known to have been opened.

The U.N. report said Israeli ACE rifles were used in a massacre that targeted Nuer citizens in Juba in 2013.

Zandberg said Israel stopped sending firearms to South Sudan in 2013 but that export licenses for the surveillance equipment continue. The Israeli Defense Ministry did not respond to requests for comment.

Israeli Foreign Ministry spokesman Emmanuel Nahshon said Israel is “extremely satisfied with our renewed relations with many African countries and Israel does not interfere in those countries’ internal affairs.” He rejected criticism of the Israeli outreach, suggesting Israel was being unfairly singled out. The United States and other Western countries also consider many African countries important allies.

The European Union has placed an arms embargo on South Sudan, and following the outbreak of violence, the U.S. imposed sanctions on top military officials from both sides of the conflict.

In August, the U.N. Security Council approved an additional regional protection force to enter South Sudan, but decided against an arms embargo on the country.

“Even without an international arms embargo, states should unilaterally suspend arms transfers given the likelihood that arms would be used to commit human rights violations,” said Elizabeth Deng, Amnesty International’s South Sudan researcher.

Zandberg and Mack asked Israel’s Supreme Court in May to force Israel to explain why it has continued export licenses for the surveillance system to South Sudan. Reflecting Israel’s typically opaque approach to such transfers, the Defense Ministry asked for a gag order to be imposed on the proceedings. A hearing is scheduled later this month.

Zandberg is also seeking to change Israel’s weapons export oversight law, which she says does not adequately ensure that Israeli arms don’t end up in troubled countries.

The law states that Israel shall not supply weapons to any country under a Security Council arms embargo. But the council can often be slow to act, and Zandberg wants Israel’s Foreign Ministry to have clout in determining whether it should allow arms transfers.

A 2013 report by Israel’s state comptroller pointed to “shortcomings, some of them significant,” in export oversight, including a lack of personnel to investigate possible breaches and lax enforcement of requirements for exporters.

“A country that hands out these export licenses has to be accountable and to take responsibility for the (weapons’) final use,” Zandberg said.

___

Lynch reported from Juba, South Sudan.

Why Egypt postponed GERD impact studies contracts signing?

Ahram Online

File Photo: A general view shows construction activity on the Grand Renaissance dam in Guba Woreda, Benishangul Gumuz region in this March 16, 2014 (Photo: Reuters)

Egypt’s irrigation and water resources minister announced on Sunday the postponing of contract signing with two foreign consultancy firms – to study the impact of Ethiopia’s Grand Renaissance Dam on downriver countries – due to “unresolved issues.”

In statements to the state-owned MENA news agency, ministry spokesman Waleed Haqiqi said that the delay was due to “outstanding issues between the consultancy firms conducting the technical studies and the legal firm wording the contracts.”

Haqiqi added that another reason behind the postponing was that the firms’ experts were not granted entry visas to Sudan.

The signing of the contracts between the two French firms – BRL and Artelia – and Egypt, Ethiopia and Sudan was to take place on 5-6 September in Sudan’s Khartoum, according to Egypt’s foreign ministry.

The spokesman added that Egypt was currently coordinating with the consultancy firms and the Sudanese and Ethiopian sides to agree on a new date for the meetings.

The announcement by Egypt comes a few days after media reports quoted an unnamed Ethiopian source as saying that no date was set for the signing of the contracts as announced by Egypt’s foreign ministry.

However, last week an official Egyptian source told Al-Ahram newspaper said that they were officially invited by Ethiopia to the meeting on 5-6 September and have not received any notice of a postponement, quelling the media reports.

Cairo has repeatedly expressed concerns that Ethiopia’s $4.2 billion dam could affect its historical share of Nile water, or, according to Prime Minister Sherif Ismail, that the hydroelectric dam could be used for reasons other than electricity generation.

Addis Ababa insists that the nearly complete dam project will not affect downstream countries negatively.

No Emergency Trust Fund money goes to Ethiopian government, Commission stresses

By Matthew Tempest | EurActiv.com

A December 2015 protest in Ethiopia.

[Human Rights Watch]

No monies from the EU’s flagship Emergency Trust Fund (ETF) for Africa goes to the Ethiopian government or its agencies, the Commission stressed yesterday (6 September), as human rights groups say more than 400 people have been killed in clashes with the government.

The ETF was set up last year, at the Valleta migration summit, in an attempt to mitigate the ‘pull’ factors behind uncontrolled migration from sub-Saharan Africa to Europe, in the wake of the migration crisis.

Ethiopia, with a stable and West-friendly government in the Horn of Africa, is one of the major recipients of the trust fund, which aims to improve life chances and livelihoods in some of the world’s poorest countries.

However, the authoritarian government in Addis Ababa has long been the butt of accusations over its treatment of the Oromia people and their region – which surrounds the capital.

Since November 2015 – when Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker signed the ETF – some 400 people have been killed by Ethiopian government security forces during protests, according to New York-based Human Rights Watch.

Thousands more have been detained.

Credit: Human Rights Watch

Amnesty International says over 100 people were killed at a demonstration in early August.

This week, the situation deteriorated further, with the deaths of at least 23 inmates in a fire at a prison believed to be holding detained protestors.

Pictures showed smoke billowing from the jail, but the BBC cited local media reporting the sound of gunfire from the Qilinto prison.

Pressed by EurActiv.com on whether the Commission had a view on the unrest in one of its key partners in sub-Saharan Africa, and whether the ETF contained a mechanism for either reviewing or even suspending payments through the Emergency Trust Fund, a spokesman was quick to point out that no monies were channelled directly through the government in Addis Ababa, or any government agencies.

In an emailed statement later, it added, “As far as the Emergency Trust Fund for Africa is concerned, it is important to know that no funding are decentralised to, or channelled through, the beneficiary countries’ government structures.

“This of course also applies to Ethiopia.”
However, it has a difficult relationship with major aid agencies and NGOs, some of whom complain privately that operating in the country is dependent on not criticising the government in Addis Ababa.Ethiopia, which is a close ally of Washington, is surrounded by failed states in the Horn of Africa, such as South Sudan, Somalia and Eritrea. This year it has had to deal with one of its worst droughts in 50 years, worse even than that of the famine of 1984-85, exacerbated by the El Niño weather phenomenon.

The government in Addis Ababa, led by Prime Minister Hailemariam Dessalegn, has angrily dismissed the numbers cited by HRW, although admitting people have died in the protests, and blamed “illegal demonstrations and criminal attacks on property” for the unrest.

Desssalegn gave a press briefing on 30^th August in which he made it clear that the government had a “responsibility to deal carry out its mandate to maintain law and order.”

“The government would never abrogate its responsibility to maintain peace, law and order. It would not allow the illegal demonstrations, violent clashes or criminal attacks on property that have been disturbing the country to continue,” he added.

Dessalegn stressed that peaceful demonstrations were allowed under the Ethiopian constitution – but must be agreed in time and in advance over location, be peaceful and “avoid disrupting day-to-day public activities or civic engagement.”

The PM also criticised the New York Times and the Financial Times, at length, for recent articles which he claimed romanticised the opposition or downplayed the country’s economic strengths, respectively.

Although no single event seems to have triggered the 10 months of demonstrations in Ethiopia, the Oromo people complained of a plan to expand the capital, Addis Ababa, into their lands, and that they are disenfranchised by a government largely led by the Tigray grouping, from northern Ethiopia.
A spokesman for the Commission said, “The EU follows the human rights situation in Ethiopia very closely.

“Through high-level political contacts, the EU consistently raises concerns with the Ethiopian government.

“The EU also provides specific assistance to support human rights in the country, notably through the EU Civil Society Fund. We firmly believe that the combination of constructive dialogue and targeted development assistance will lead to positive changes in the human rights situation in Ethiopia and in the region.

“Key areas of concern are human rights, peace and stability in the country, as well as irregular migration and displacement.

Recently, the Ethiopian government began a big drive to increase its attraction as a high-end international tourism destination.

Growing Protests Bring Ethiopia to the Tipping Point

Anuradha Mittal

The past weeks have seen an escalation of ongoing protests across Ethiopia—including widespread acts of resistance like citizens shaving their heads in solidarity with jailed opposition leader Bekele Gerba and stay-at-home protests that have turned bustling cities into near ghost-towns. Despite the undeniable peacefulness of these actions, state violence and repression has continued. Earlier this month, Ethiopia’s Prime Minister authorized the National Defence Force to use “its full force to bring rule of law” in the country. Internet shut downs by the government have been used to silence critics. And, Addis Standard reported, security forces have broken into the homes of those who are “staying in.”

Land Grabs: Genesis of Ethiopia Protests

While much of this has gone unreported by the international press, news of attacks against at least nine foreign-owned horticultural companies, including those from the Netherlands, Israel, Italy, India, and Belgium—did generate coverage. The attacks caused nearly $8 million in damages to one company alone, Esmeralda Flower Company. A statement released by Esmeralda suggests that many businesses—both local and internationally-owned—with ties to the Ethiopian government are targets. This is not a surprise given take over of lands in the name of promoting development, much against the will and consent of the local populations, generated these protests in late 2015, which are now manifesting themselves as a movement for democracy and freedom.

As discussed in a previous post, the United States has been noticeably silent with regard to recent protests. In early August, after nearly 100 protesters were gunned down by the Ethiopian security forces, the US Embassy in Ethiopia released a paltry statement with the absurd suggestion that protesters should engage in “constructive dialogue” with the government. Less than two weeks later, the State Department issued a travel advisory, but still failed to condemn government’s use of excessive force on the protestors and its role in the political upheaval on the ground.

The Government’s “Self-Defeating Tactics”

But then, on August 21st, US Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, Tom Malinowski, released an op-ed, calling the abuses by government officials as “self-defeating tactics.” The strongly worded statement explains that the protests are “a manifestation of Ethiopian citizens’ expectation of more responsive governance and political pluralism” and that protesters are “exercising their right under Ethiopia’s constitution to express their views.” If that isn’t a strong enough endorsement of the protesters, Malinowski then rips apart the myth that the protests are being perpetuated by outside forces—a myth spread far and wide by the Ethiopian government itself.

“When thousands of people, in dozens of locations, in multiple regions come out on the streets to ask for a bigger say in the decisions that affect their lives, this cannot be dismissed as the handiwork of external enemies.”

President Barack Obama meets Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn during 2013 G8 Summit. Credit: Pete Souza, White House Photographer

The Obama Administration’s Responsibility

Last week, according to the Ethiopian government, 23 inmates at the high-security prison, Qilinto, died after a fire where anti-government protesters and political prisoners, including Bekele Gerba, Pastor Omot, Ethiopian Muslim leaders, and many others are being held. The identity of the dead prisoners has not been made public, while the fate of the political leaders remains unknown. At a grave time like this, the importance of a statement from the US government, cannot go understated. However, it is not enough. As the single largest country donor to Ethiopia, the US has huge power and influence in the country. Until recently, the Obama administration may have accepted the lack of democracy, muzzling of media and civil society, and widespread violations of human rights as the price to pay for ensuring stability and strong rule in a country that has been a critical ally in a highly unstable region. Recent developments may prove this to be a miscalculation as growing resentment against the regime’s abuses has ignited instability and violence in the country, with many fearing political unrest, as seen in neighboring South Sudan and Somalia.

To date, silent complicity of the United States has signaled that violent repression on the part of the Ethiopian government is permissible. Time and time again, the Oakland Institute has called the US government out for not taking a stronger stance, asking how much blood must be shed before the US is willing to stand up for human rights and true development in Ethiopia.

With renewed calls for protests against the Ethiopian regime both within and outside the country gaining momentum, perhaps we are at a tipping point. Perhaps this will be the turning of the tide.

Anuradha Mittal is the Executive Director of the Oakland Institute.

The U.S. ambassador to the United Nations says her country has raised “grave concerns” about what it calls excessive use of force against protesters in Ethiopia.

The Associated Press JUBA, SOUTH SUDAN-The U.S. ambassador to the United Nations says her country has raised “grave concerns” about what it calls excessive use of force against protesters in Ethiopia. Ambassador Samantha Power spoke to reporters late Sunday as Read More ...