መከላከያ ሚኒስቴር የሠራዊቱን ወቅታዊ የብሔር ተዋጽኦ ለፓርላማ ይፋ አደረገ

09 APRIL 2014

በ ዮሐንስ አንበርብር
The Ethiopian Reporter

በሕገ መንግሥቱ በተደነገገው መሠረት የአገር መከላከያ ሠራዊት የብሔር ተዋጽኦን ለማመጣጠን እየሠራ መሆኑንና በአሁኑ ወቅትም የደቡብ ብሔር ብሔረሰቦችና ሕዝቦች ውክልና በሁለተኛ ደረጃ ላይ መድረሱን፣ የመከላከያ ሚኒስትሩ ለሕዝብ ተወካዮች ምክር ቤት ይፋ አደረጉ፡፡

ሚኒስትሩ አቶ ሲራጅ ፈጌሳ ባለፈው ሳምንት የመከላከያ ሚኒስቴርን የግማሽ ዓመት የሥራ አፈጻጸም ለፓርላማው ባቀረቡበት ወቅት ነው የሠራዊቱ የብሔር ተዋጽኦ እየተመጣጠነ መምጣቱን የገለጹት፡፡

በሚኒስትሩ ሪፖርት መሠረት ከአጠቃላይ የመከላከያ ሠራዊቱ አባላት የአማራ ብሔር ተዋጽኦ 30.3 በመቶ በመሆን ከ2004 ዓ.ም. ጀምሮ በአንደኛነት ሲመራ የቆየ ሲሆን፣ በ2006 ዓ.ም. 29.46 በመቶ በመሆን በቀዳሚነት እየመራ ይገኛል፡፡ የደቡብ ብሔር ብሔረሰቦችና ሕዝቦች ተዋጽኦ ደግሞ በ2006 ዓ.ም. 25.05 በመቶ በመሆን በሁለተኛ ደረጃ ላይ እንደሚገኝ በሪፖርቱ ተመልክቷል፡፡

የኦሮሞ ብሔር በ2004 ዓ.ም. በ25.2 በመቶ የሁለተኛነት ድርሻ ይዞ የነበረ መሆኑን፣ በ2006 ዓ.ም. ግን ወደ 24.45 በመቶ በመውረድ የሦስተኛ ደረጃን እንደያዘ በሪፖርቱ ውስጥ ሰፍሯል፡፡

ሚኒስትሩ አቶ ሲራጅ እንዳስረዱት፣ የደርግ መንግሥት ወድቆ የኢሕአዴግ መንግሥት ከተመሠረተ በኋላ የአገር መከላከያ ሠራዊት አካል የሆነውን ኃይል ከነጥንካሬው እንዲቀጥል ለማድረግ የብሔር ተዋጽኦውን የማስተካከሉ ሥራ በጥንቃቄና በሒደት እየተተገበረ ነው፡፡

በ1989 ዓ.ም. የትግራይ ብሔር በሠራዊቱ ውስጥ የነበረው ተዋጽኦ 40 በመቶ የነበረ መሆኑን ያስታወሱት ሚኒስትሩ፣ ይህ የሆነበት ምክንያት ከሠራዊቱ አመጣጥና አመሠራረት ጋር የተያያዘ መሆኑን አስረድተዋል፡፡ በ2006 ዓ.ም. ግን የትግራይ ብሔር ተዋጽኦ ወደ 17.47 በመቶ በመውረድ በአራተኛ ደረጃ ላይ እንደሚገኝ በሪፖርቱ ተመልክቷል፡፡

በተመሳሳይ በ1989 ዓ.ም. የደቡብ ሕዝቦች ተዋጽኦ 9.8 በመቶ የነበረ መሆኑን፣ በሒደት በተወሰደ ማስተካከያ 25.05 በመቶ ድርሻ መያዙን ገልጸዋል፡፡

‹‹የኢትዮጵያ ብሔር ብሔረሰቦች 70 በመቶ የሚገኙበት የደቡብ ክልል በሠራዊቱ ውስጥ ያለው ተዋጽኦ ከ9.8 በመቶ ወደ 25.05 ሲያድግ፣ የሠራዊቱ ብሔር ተዋጽኦ እየተመጣጠነ ለመሆኑ ማሳያ ነው፡፡ ከዚህ የበለጠ ሌላ ማረጋገጫ ልናመጣለት አንችልም፤›› በማለት ለፓርላማው አስረድተዋል፡፡

የሠራዊቱ የብሔር ተዋጽኦ ቀደም ሲል ከነበረበት ሁኔታ በአሁኑ ወቅት እየተሻለ ቢመጣም ሙሉ በሙሉ ተስተካክሏል ማለት እንዳልሆነ ሚኒስትሩ አስረድተዋል፡፡ ለዚህ በምክንያትነት የጠቀሱት ደግሞ ክልሎች የሠራዊት ምልመላ ላይ በቂ ትኩረት የማይሰጡ መሆኑን ነው፡፡ በተለይ ድጋፍ የሚሹ ክልሎች ተዋጽኦ የሚፈልገውን ያህል መድረስ አለመቻሉን ሚኒስትሩ ገልጸዋል፡፡

በ2006 ዓ.ም. በሠራዊቱ ብሔር ተዋጽኦ መሠረት የአፋር ክልል 0.48 በመቶ፣ የጋምቤላ 0.98 በመቶ፣ የቤንሻንጉል ጉሙዝ 0.96 በመቶ፣ የሶማሌ 1.14 በመቶ እና የሐረር ደግሞ 0.01 በመቶ መሆኑ በሪፖርቱ ተመልክቷል፡፡

ሚኒስትሩ በሪፖርታቸው እንደገለጹት፣ የሠራዊቱ አመራር አካላት የመተካካት ሥራንም በተመሳሳይ ሁኔታ ነባሩ ኃይል ያሉትን መልካም እሴቶች በማይበርዝ ወይም በማያጠፋ መንገድ እየተከናወነ ነው፡፡ የመተካካት ሥራው ከተጀመረበት ጊዜ አንስቶ በድምሩ 568 ከፍተኛ አመራሮች በመተካካት ሒደቱ የተሰናበቱ መሆናቸውን፣ በምትካቸው ደግሞ 930 ከፍተኛ አመራሮችን ማፍራት መቻሉን ገልጸዋል፡፡ በሚኒስትሩ የቀረበው ሪፖርት የሠራዊቱ አመራሮች የብሔር ተዋጽኦን አላመለከተም፡፡ በተጨማሪም ሪፖርቱን ተንተርሶ በምክር ቤቱ አባላት አንድም ጥያቄ አልቀረበም፡፡

የቀድሞ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር መለስ ዜናዊ እ.ኤ.አ. በግንቦት 2012 መቀመጫውን እንግሊዝ ካደረገው የሮያል አፍሪካን ሶሳይቲ ዳይሬክተር ታዋቂው ጋዜጠኛ ሪቻርድ ዳውደን ጋር ባደረጉት ቃለ ምልልስ፣ በሠራዊቱ ውስጥ የትግራይ ተወላጆች በጣም አናሳ ቢሆኑም ይህ በከፍተኛ አመራር ደረጃ እንደማይንፀባረቅ ገልጸው ነበር፡፡

የኢፌዴሪ ሕገ መንግሥት በአንቀጽ 87 ላይ የመከላከያ መርሆዎች ቀዳሚ ንዑስ አንቀጽ የአገሪቱ የመከላከያ ሠራዊት የብሔሮች፣ የብሔረሰቦችና የሕዝቦችን ሚዛናዊ ተዋጽኦ ያካተተ መሆን እንዳለበት ይደነግጋል፡፡

How History and the 1931 Ethiopian Constitution Perceive the Ethiopians

05 April 2014

By Prof. Getachew Haile

This short article addresses the issue of how Ethiopia’s social and political problems are sometimes baseless, or based on minor misunderstandings. The Amharic section of the Voice of America (VOA) included a three-part discussion on the history of Ethiopia between Dr. Beyana Soba, a lawyer; Dr. Berhanu Mengist, a professor of conflict resolutions; and myself, a historian. A historian discussing history with non-historians might seem strange, but the end-result shows that it was actually not. Dr. Beyana represented people who believe that Ethiopian history, as they read it, neither includes them nor respects their human dignity. Dr. Berhanu’s place is obvious, as the views of Dr. Beyana and me occasionally conflict. I am satisfied that the discussion took place in this setting because I could hear the complaints of the so-called oppressed people from the source and rebut them. I thank Weyzero Tizzita for conducting the discussions and the VOA for broadcasting them [The discussions are on Ethiopia.org].

The purpose of this note is not to accuse anyone of distorting facts and thereby spoil the friendly atmosphere that prevailed during the discussion. The first misunderstanding came from the reading of the first article of the 1931 Ethiopian Constitution. It reads as follows:

The territory of Ethiopia, in its entirety, is, from one end to the other, subject to the government of His Majesty the Emperor. All the natives of Ethiopia, subjects of the Empire, form together the Ethiopian Empire.Google will help find the constitution on the Internet if one searches for it under The Ethiopian Constitution of 1931and reads the quotation him/herself. Some of the comments I read about it show how much it has been misunderstood. As you hear it in the recorded copy of the discussion, Dr. Beyana repeats the same misunderstanding. He believes and expands his belief, lauding the Constitution’s honesty in admitting the truth, that for the Ethiopian government, the Ethiopian people are of two classes, and . He did not identify by name during the discussion who are the natives and who are the subjects, probably because no one asked him. But it is clear from his description that the natives and the subjects are, respectively, the and the ”during Menelik’s wars of expansion.”

In my attempt to explain that the word subject refers to native in a different way, I even mentioned that English grammarians call this kind of sentence structure “noun in apposition,” where the latter (subject) emphasizes the former (native) in a different use of the word, like an adjective. If the words represented two different classes of people, they would have been conjoined with the word and, as in natives and subjects. But the phrasing does not put it so; and no government would ever divide its people into classes.

As I said, this misunderstanding comes from the fact that our knowledge of the English language is weak. Look how the word “subject” is used in the first sentence to describe the Ethiopian territory: “The territory of Ethiopia, in its entirety, is, from one end to the other, subject to the government of His Majesty the Emperor. Here “subject” does not exclude the territories that Menelik inherited. In fact, the 1955 constitution revises the article this way:

All Ethiopian subjects, whether living within or without the Empire, constitute the Ethiopian people.The revision is not to call us all vanquished people by calling us all subjects but to avoid the possible misunderstanding of the word native in the plural form as a collection of tribes.

The question that Ethiopian history neither includes the people of the South nor respects their human dignity was discussed as much as time allowed. As the recording shows, we started far apart but ended up agreeing that inclusive historical events quoted from the sources during the discussion need to be included in the school curriculums. This is a noble outcome of the discussion and what we should strive to do if we ever survive the TPLF’s onslaught of the country and its history. In a forthcoming Amharic article I will briefly expand the quoted historical sources on the participation of the Oromo in the history of Ethiopia.

የኢትዮ ሱዳን ድንበር ከአፄ ፋሲል እስከ ኢህአዴግ

29 March 14

Biruk Sisay

የአፄ ፋሲል ታሪከ ነገስታቸው በኢትዮጵያ ምዕራብ ዛሬ የሱዳን ግዛት በሆነው አገር ስናርን እና ኑብያን እንዳስተዳደሩ ይገልፃል። በኑብያም በርሳቸው ስር የሚተዳደር ጊዮርጊስ የሚባል የአካባቢ ንጉስ አንግሰው እስከ የግብፅ ወሰን የሆነው ጠረፍ ቦታ ድረስ እንዳስተዳደሩ እና የፈረሶቻቸውም መታሰሪያ እና መቀለቢያ ስናር ነበር በማለት ያትታል። አያይዞም ከአፄ ፋሲል በፊት የነበሩት ነገስታት ኑብያንና ስናርን እየዘመቱ ካስገበሩ በኋላ መመለስ እንጂ እንደርሳቸው በስርዐት አላስተዳደሩትም ነበር ብሎ በመግለፅ በእሳቸው ጊዜ አዝማሪ እንደሚከተለው እንደዘፈነ ይጠቅሳል፦ጎንደር ቢያጉረመርም ፋሲል ፈረስህ
ኑብያና ስናር ወርቁን ጫኑልህ
ሣሩን ተጠየፈ የፋሲል ፈረሱ
ክምር የሱዳን ወርቅ ገፈራው ነው ለእሱአፄ እያሱ (አድያም ሰገድ) ወይም ታላቁ እያሱ በአያታቸው በአፄ ፋሲል እየተዳደረ ሲገብር የነበረውን እና በመሀል ያቆመውን ከከሰላ እስከ ስናር ያለውን ወረዳ ጭፍሮቻቸውን በመላክ እንዲያቀኑት በማስደረግ እና የአካባቢው መሳፍንቶች አቋርጠውት የነበረውን ግብር እንዲከፍሉ አሳምነዋል። የአፄ እያሱ (አድያም ሰገድ) የሰሜን ምዕራብ ግዛታቸው ወሰንም ከምዕራብ እስከ ስናር ከሰሜን የከረንን የሐባብን ሀገር ሁሉ ይዞ እስከ ላይኛው የባርካ ወንዝ ድረስ ያካተተ እንደነበር ታሪከ ነገስታቸው ያትታል።የአፄ በካፋ እና የቋረኛዋ እቴጌ ምንትዋብ ልጅ የሆኑት ቋረኛ እያሱ (ብርሀን ሰገድ) ዛሬ የሱዳን ግዛት በሆነው አገር ድረስ ግዛታቸውን በማስፋፋት እና አስተዳደራቸውን በመዘርጋት ግብር እንዳስገበሩ አሁንም የእሳቸው ታሪከ ነገስት ያስረዳል። ግዛታቸውም በአፄ ኃይለሥላሴ ጊዜ እንደወሰን የሚታየውን አትባራን አልፎ ስናር የሚባለውን ከተማ ሁሉ ያካትት ነበር። በጊዜው የስናር ባላባት የነበረው ባዲ ኢብን ሻሉክ የሚባል ሰው ሲሆን እርሱም አልፎ አልፎ ለንጉሱ አልገብርም እያለ የሚያምፅ ቢሆንም ቋረኛው ንጉስ አፄ እያሱ በተደጋጋሚ ወታደሮችን እየላከ የሚቀጣውን እየቀጣ በማሳመን እና በማስገበር አካባቢውን አስተዳድሯል። ከዚያ በኋላ ዘመነ መሳፍንት ገባ እና ነገሮች እንዳልነበሩ ሆኑ።

በዘመነ መሳፍንት ማብቂያ ገዳማ ደግሞ ዳግማዊ አፄ ቴዎድሮስ በሽፍትነት ዘመናቸው ጭፍሮቻቸውን ይዘው ሲንቀሳቀሱበት የነበረው አካባቢ አሁን በሱዳን ይዞታ ውስጥ የሚገኘው ጋላባት እና ዙሪያውን ነበር። ቴዎድሮስም የዘመነ መሳፍንት የአካባቢ ገዢዎችን ተራ በተራ በመውጋት ሁሉንም አሸንፈው ንጉሰ ነገስት ዘ ኢትዮጵያ እንዲባሉ ከፍተኛውን ድርሻ ያበረከተው ከዚሁ ከጋላባት እና ቋራ አካባቢ የተውጣጣው ሠራዊታቸው ነበር። ንጉሰ ነገሥት ከተሰኙ በኋላም አካባቢው በእሳቸው ቁጥጥር የነበረ ሲሆን እንዲያስተዳድር ያደረጉትም የአካባቢው ተወላጅ የሆነውን እና የሽፍትነት ጓደኛቸው እንዲሁም የልብ ወዳጃቸውን እንድሪሥን ነበር።

ከአፄ ዮሀንስ ዘመነ መንግስት ማብቂያ ገዳማ ጀምሮ ኢትዮጵያን በወሠን የሚያካልሏት እንዳሁኑ ያገር ተወላጆች የሚመሯቸው መንግስታት እነ ጅቡቲ፣ ሶማሊያ፣ ኬንያ፣ ዩጋንዳ፣ ሱዳን ሳይሆኑ እነሱን ለመቀራመት እና ቅኝ ለማድረግ በበርሊኑ ኮንፈረንስ በስምምነት የተከፋፈሏቸው አውሮፓውያን አገሮች ናቸው። እነሱም እንግሊዝ፣ ጣልያን እና ፈረንሳይ ነበሩ። አፄ ምኒልክም ከአድዋ ድል በኋላ የወሰን ክልል የተዋዋሉት ከነዚሁ መንግስታት ጋር ነበር።

የእንግሊዝ መንግስት በሱዳን በኩል ስላለው የግዛቱ ወሰን ሌተና ኮለኔል ዢሀን ሐሪንግተን በእንግሊዝ ንጉሥ በኤድዋርድ ሰባተኛ ሥም፤ በኢትዮጵያ በኩል ደግሞ አፄ ምኒልክ በራሳቸው ሥም እ. ኤ. አ. ግንቦት 15ቀን 1902 በአምስት አንቀፅ የተከፈለ ውል ተዋውለዋል። ይህ የአፄ ምኒልክ ውል አሁን መንግስት እንደሚያወራው መተማን፣ ቋራን፣ ከፊል ሁመራን፣ የቤንሻንጉል ጠረፍ አካባቢዎችን የሱዳን ያደረገ አይደለም። የድንበር አወሳሰኑ በካርታ ላይ እንጂ በመሬት ላይ የተከናወነ አልነበረም። ከዚያ በኋላ ኢትዮጵያን ለረጅም ጊዜ በመሩት በኃይለ ሥላሴ ዘመንም የተካሄደ አንድም የድንበር ስምምነት የለም።

ምንም እንኳ ሀፍረት የለሹ የዘመኑ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስተር እኛ ለሱዳን የሰጠነው አንድም አዲስ መሬት የለም ነገር ግን የድንበር ማካለል ያደረግነው በምኒልክ፣ ኃይለሥላሴ እና በሶሻሊስቱ ደርግ ዘመን በሁለቱ መንግስታት የተደረጉ ውሎችን መሰረት በማድረግ ነው፤ ቢሉም በቅርቡ ሌ/ኮ መንግስቱ ሀይለ ማርያም በራሳቸው አንደበት ከሱዳን ጋር እሳቸውም ሆኑ ከእሳቸው በፊት የነበረው የኃይለ ሥላሴ መንግሥት ምንም አይነት የድንበር ውል እንዳላደረገ በመመስክር ድርጊቱን ኢህአዴግ ወደ ሥልጣን ከመጣበት ዘመን ጀምሮ እያካሄደ ያለውን ጥንታዊት ኢትዮጵያን የማፈራረስ ሌላኛው ተግባር እንደሆነ ገልፀዋል።

የኢትዮጵያን የሰሜን ምዕራብ የሱዳን አዋሳኝ መሬቶችን ያስደፈረው ኢህአዴግ ነው እንላለን! ኢህአዴግ በትጥቅ ትግሉ ዘመን ሱዳን ላደረገችለት እርዳታ እንደውለታ በመቁጠር እንዲሁም ወደፊት ደግሞ የትጥቅ ትግል በማድረግ ኢህአዴግን እንቀብረዋለን ለሚሉ ኢትዮጵያውያን ድጋፍ እንዳትሠጥ እና መመሸጊያ እና መንቀሳቀሻ ቦታወችን እንዳትፈቅድ እንደ ማባበያ ለሙን የሰሜን ምዕራብ መሬት ለግሷታል። ተራ የሥልጣን ፍላጎትን ለማርካት የአገር ሉዐላዊ ደንበርን ለድርድር በማቅረብ እና ለባዕዳን አሳልፎ በመሥጠት በኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ የመጀመሪያው አገዛዝ ኢህአዴግ ነው። ይህንን ደግሞ በአካልም በቁምም የሞቱት ሁለቱ ጠቅላዮቻችን በራሳቸው አንደበት ፓርላማ ላይ ደስኩረዋል በተግባርም አረጋግጠዋል (በተለይ መለስ ይሄን ሲናገር የሱዳን መሪ እንጂ የኢትዮጵያ መሪ አይመስልም ነበር)። የአካባቢው ነዋሪዎችም ወደ ጎንደር እና ሁመራ በመፈናቀል ላይ ናቸው። ለዚህ ሁሉ ተጠያቂው አልበሽር ወይም የሱዳን መንግስት ሳይሆን መለስ ዜናዊ እና የሙት ራዕይ የሚያስፈፅሙት ጠፍጥፎ የሰራቸው የሱ ተከታዮች ብቻ ናቸው አለቀ!!

ኢህአዴግን የምደግፍበት አንድ ነገር አገኘሁ- መሬት አይሸጥም አይለወጥም!

- 28 March 2014
  
  Fasil Yenealem
  
  ለመጀመሪያ ጊዜ ኢህአደግን የምደግፍበት ነገር አግኝቻለሁ። ኢህአዴግ በመቃብሬ ላይ ካልሆነ መሬት አይሸጥም አይለወጥም ይላል። ትክክለኛና ብራቮ የሚያስብል አቋም ነው።
  መሬት የሃብት ሁሉ ምንጭ ነው፤ መሬት ያለው “ምንም” ነገር ባይኖረው ሃብታም ነው። ከጊዜ በሁዋላ እንኳንስ የእርሻና የቤት መስሪያ ቦታ ማግኘት ቀርቶ ለመቀበሪያ የሚሆን ቦታ ማግኘትም ጭንቅ ይሆናል – የሰው ልጅ እንደ አሜባ በፍጥነት ይራባል፣ መሬት ደግሞ በዛው ልክ እየጠበበች ትሄዳለች። እናም ይህን ብርቀየ ሃብት በስርዓት መንከባከብ ግድ ይላል።
  መሬት በግለሰቦች እጅ መሆኑ ምርትን ለማሳደግ ይጠቅማል የሚለው መከራከሪያ አሳማኝ ነው ። ኢህአዴግ ገበሬውንና የከተማውን ሰው እንደፈለገ የሚቆጣጠረው መሬት የመንግስት ስለሆነ ነው የሚለው መከራከሪያም እንዲሁ አሳማኝ ነው። ለመሬቱ ሲል ፈቅዶ የኢህአዴግ ባሪያ ለመሆን የመረጠ ብዙ ወገን አለ፤ መሬትን ነጻ ማድረግ ኢህአዴግ ከዘረጋው የባርነት ቀንበር ነጻ ለመውጣት አንድ እርምጃ ነው ተብሎም ሊታሰብ ይችላል። እርግጠኛ ባልሆንም እያመነታሁ እቀበለዋለሁ። ። በአጭሩ መሬት ወደ ግለሰቦች መዞሩን በመርህ ደረጃ እደግፋለሁ። ነገር ግን ዘረኝነትና ሙሰኝነት ባህሪው በሆነው መንግስት ስር ሆነን፣ መሬት ወደ ግል ይዙር ቢባል ከጥቅሙ ይልቅ ጉዳቱ የሚያመዝን ይመስለኛል ፣ ከኢህዴግ ባርነት ነጻ እንወጣለን ስንል የዘመናት ባርነትን እንዳንከናነብ እሰጋለሁ ። ኢህአዴግ ፍትሃዊ በሆነ መልኩ መሬትን ወደ ግል የማዞር ብቃት የለውም። ይህን ደግሞ በ1980ዎቹ፣ በአማራ ክልል የመሬት ክፍፍል በተደረገበት ወቅት አይተነዋል። ሰዎች በፖለቲካ አቋማቸው ብቻ መሬት እንዳያገኙ መደረጉን በጊዜው ይወጡ የነበሩትን ዘገባዎች አይቶ ማረጋገጥ ይቻላል።
  አዲስ ስርአት እስኪመጣ መሬት ወደ ግል ባይዞር በብዙ መልኩ ተመራጭ ነው።
  ባለፉት 23 ዓመታት ዋና ዋና የሚባሉ የከተማ መሬቶችን የህወሃት ሹሞችና ተላላኪዎቻቸው ተቆጣጥረዋቸዋል። ከከተሞች አልፎ በገጠር ለም የሚባሉትን የእርሻ መሬቶችንም እየተቆጣጠሩዋቸው ነው። ጋምቤላ፣ ኦሮምያ፣ ቤንሻንጉል፣ አፋር እንዲሁም ሰሜን አማራ ብትሄዱ ሰፋፊ መሬቶች በዘመኑ ሰዎች የተያዙ ናቸው። በአዲስ አበባ በአንድ ወቅት በተደረገ ጥናት አብዛኞቹ የከተማዋ ቁልፍ መሬቶች በህወሃትና ተላላኪዎቻቸው የተያዙ መሆኑ ተረጋግጧል ። መሬትን እየተሽቀዳደሙ የመያዙ እሩጫም በቀላሉ የሚቆም አይመስልም፣ አይቆምም። በሚቀጥሉት 5 ዓመታት ( ኢህአዴግ በህይወት ከኖረ) እስካሁን ያልተያዙት ሰፋፊ የእርሻና የከተማ ቦታዎች በጥቂት የዘመኑ ባለሃብቶች ቁጥጥር ስር እንደሚውሉ ለመተንበይ ሼህ ጅብሪል ወይም የፍጥሞውን ዮሃንስ መሆንን አይጠይቅም። ምክንያቱም ግልጽ ነውና ። መሬት የሃብት ምንጭ ነው፤ ሃብት ያለው ጉልበት አለው፤ ጉልበት ያለው ስልጣን አለው፤ ስልጣን ያለው ሁሉም አለው ።
  አሁን ባለው መንግስት መሬት ወደ ግል ይዞታ ይዙር ማለት ላለፉት 22 ዓመታት ሰፋፊ መሬቶችን ዘርፈው የያዙ የዘመኑ ባለሃብቶች የግል መሬት እንዲኖራቸው መፍቀድ ማለት ነው። የሚመጣው መንግስት የእነዚህን ባለሃብቶች መሬት ቀምቶ ለማከፋፈል ቢሞክር ከአለማቀፍ ድርጅቶች ሳይቀር ከፍተኛ ተቃውሞ ይገጥመዋል። በደርግ ዘመን የግል ባለሀብቶች ንብረት ወደ መንግስት በዞረበት ወቅት ከምእራባዊያን አገራት ትልቅ ተቃውሞ መነሳቱን አንዘነጋም። አሁን ባለው የአለም ስርአት የግል ባለሀብቶችን መንካት ማለት ከምእራባዊያንና ከገንዘብ ተቋሞቻቸው ጋር መላተም ማለት ነው። ይሄ መንግስት እስከሚለወጥ መሬት በመንግስት እጅ ከቆየ፣ መጪው መንግስት የእነዚህን ሰዎች መሬት ቀምቶ ለማከፋፈል ቢሞክር ከየትኛውም ወገን ተቃውሞ አይደርስበትም፣ ምክንያቱም መሬት የመንግስት ነውና። ” አስፈላጊው ካሳ ተሰጥቷቸው መሬታቸው ቢቀማ ተቃውሞ አይኖርም ” ቢባል እንኳ፣ በህገወጥ መንገድ ለያዙት መሬት ካሳ መክፈል የሞራልና የፍትሃዊነት ጥያቄ ያስነሳል። አዲሱ መንግስት የኢትዮጵያን የመሬት ስሪት በደንብ አጥንቶና ሁኔታዎችን ሁሉ አመቻችቶ መሬት ወደ ግል ቢያዞር ያን ጊዜ ቁጥር አንድ ደጋፊ እሆናለሁ። ዝምባብዌ ነጻ ከመውጣቱ በፊት መሬት የመንግስት ቢሆን ኖሮ፣ ነጻ በወጣ ማግስት መሬት ከግለሰቦች እየቀማ ያከፋፈለው የዝምባቡዌ መንግስት አሁን የገጠመውን ተቃውሞ ያክል አይገጥመውም ነበር፤ ደቡብ አፍሪካም ነጻ ሲወጣ መሬት የመንግስት ቢሆን ኖሮ፣ የደቡብ አፍሪካ መንግስት ለብዙ ጥቁሮች መሬት እንደፈለገ ለማከፋፈል አይቸግረውም ነበር። በኢህአዴግ ዘመን መሬት ቢከፋፈል የዝምባብዌና የደቡብ አፍሪካ እጣ ይገጥመናል። መሬቱ ሁሉ በጥቂት የዘመኑ ሰዎች እጅ ይገባና እነሱ ” ነጮች” እኛ “ጥቁሮች” እንሆናለን። መጪው መንግስት መሬትን በፍትሃዊነት ማከፋፈል ይችል ዘንድ መሬት በመንግስት እጅ ሆኖ መቆየት አለበት። ኢህአዴግ መውደቁን ካወቀ፣ መሬትን ወደ ግል አዙሮ ለመጪው መንግስት ችግር አውርሶት ያልፍ ይሆን እያልኩ እሰጋለሁ።
  በኢህአዴግ ዘመን መሬትን ወደ ግል እንዲዞር መፍቀድ ማለት እነዚህ ጥቂት የዘመኑ ሰዎች አሁን ከያዙትም በላይ ሰፋፊ መሬቶችን በፍጥነት እንዲያግበሰብሱ ሁኔታዎችን ማመቻቸት ማለት ነው። ዘመነኞቹ “መሬት ወደ ግል ሊዞር ነው” የሚለውን ሲሰሙ፣ በውጭ ባንኮች የከዘኑትን ገንዘብ እያወጡ መሬት በፍጥነት ለመግዛት ይጣደፋሉ። ስርአቱም የተወሰኑ ሰዎች ሰፋፊ መሬቶችን እንዲይዙ ሁኔታውን ያመቻችላቸዋል። ያልተያዙ መሬቶችን ለመግዛት ገንዘብ ቢያጥራቸው እንኳን የባንክ ብድር ይመቻችላቸዋል። የመንግስት ድርጅቶች ወደ ግል ሲዞሩ ያየነው ህገወጥ አሰራር በመሬት ሽያጭ ላይ እንደማይደገም ምንም ማረጋገጫ የለም ። የሻኪሶ ወርቅ ማእድን በስንት ነው የተሸጠው? በርካታ የመንግስት የንግድ ድርጅቶች እንዴት ነው ወደ ግለሰቦች የዞሩት? የተሸጡበት ገንዘብ መጠን ለህዝብ ተነግሮ ያውቃል? ገንዘቡስ መንግስት ካዝና መግባቱ ይታወቃል?
  ቅንጅት አዲስ አበባን ሲያሸንፍ፣ የስርአቱ ልጆች ሰፋፊ መሬቶችን መቀራመት ጀመሩ፣ ኢህአዴግም ሆን ብሎ ሁኔታዎችን አመቻቸላቸው። ኢትዮጵያ በቅኝ ግዛት ስር ያለች ትመስል ነበር። ቅንጅት ቢጨንቀው ” የመሬት ዝርፊያው በአስቸኳይ እንዲቆም” የሚጠይቅ መግለጫ አወጣ። የሚሰማ ግን አልነበረም። አላሙዲ ሳይቀር ጊዮርጊስ መሃል አደባባይ ላይ ለአመታት አጥሮ ያስቀመጠውን ቦታ እንዳልቀማ ብሎ ለመጀመሪያ ጊዜ አረሰው። ከዚያ ወዲህ ድፍን አስር አመት ምንም ስራ አልሰራበትም። ቅንጅት አዲስ አበባን እንደማይረከብ ሲያውቅ፣ ኢህአዴግ በመናኛ ገንዘብ ያዘረፈውን መሬት መልሶ ለመሰብሰብ ተሳነው። መሬት ወደ ግል ሊዞር ነው ቢባል ተመሳሳይ ነገር እንደሚፈጠር አልጠራጠርም።
  በዚህ በዘርና በጥቅም በተማከለ ስርዓት ውስጥ ሆኖ መሬት ወደ ግል ይዙር ብሎ መጠየቅ በራስ ላይ እባብ እንደመጠምጠም ይቆጠራል ። ስለመሬት መሸጥና መለወጥ ለማውራት ኢህአደግ መቃብር እስኪገባ ድረስ መጠበቅ ግድ ይለናል። መታገል ያልብንም ኢህአዴግን ወደ መቃብር ለመሸኘት ነው። በእርሱ መቃብር ላይ አዲስ ስርአት ስንፈጥር ፣ ያን ጊዜ፣ ሁሉንም በማያስደስት ፣ ሁሉንም በማያስከፋ መልኩ መሬት ማከፋፈል ይቻላል።
  ኢህአዴግ እስኪወድቅ መሬት በመንግስት እጅ መሆኑን በጽኑ እደግፋለሁ!
  ( ማሳሰቢያ ይሄ የግል አቋሜ ነው። አንድነት ፓርቲ በቅርቡ
  ካስተዋወቀው የሚሊዮኖች ድምጽ ጋር በፍጹም አይያያዝም። ለዚህ ጽሁፍ መነሻ የሆነኝ Wealth Over Work- በሚል ርዕስ ፓውል ክሩግማን The New York Times ላይ የጻፈው ጽሁፍ ነው። በዚህ ዙሪያ ሰፊ ክርክር እንደሚኖር እጠብቃለሁ)

የተፈናቃዮቹ ድምፅ

By millionsofvoicesforfreedom ethio

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3O5C73bvVGE&feature=share&list=UUkAuN7OttbjEBvfjrIRZCow

የ ኣንዱዓለም ኣራጌ ቀን ተወሰነ 0፫፡፪፱፡፩፬

A new dawn for Israelis of Ethiopian origin… or is it?

23 March 2014 JPost.com By ORIT ISASCHAR There are several examples that illustrate why we cannot justify the ministry’s new intervention program. Ethiopians celebrate Sig’d in Jerusalem, 2013. Photo: Marc Israel Sellem According to the Absorption Minister Sofa Landver, it’s a…

‘The Ethiopian Wolf’: An adventure tale with a heroic goal

18 March 2014

Two photographers traveled to the highlands of Ethiopia to document the lives of the endangered wolves and the work being done to save them.

By: Michael Graham Richard

mnn.com

All photos: Ethiopian Wolf Project

The Ethiopian wolf, one of only two wolf species in Africa, is seriously endangered, with only 450 individuals left. However, hope remains among the conservationists who are doing heroic work to preserve this fascinating species for future generations. Success would not only mean survival for the Ethiopian wolf, but also a great deal learned about how to save other species threatened by things like habitat loss, disease and overgrazing.

This is a review of a book about this very adventure: Photographers Will Burrard-Lucas and Rebecca R. Jackrel traveled to the highlands of Ethiopia to document the lives of the remaining Ethiopian wolves and the work the Ethiopian Wolf Conservation Programme is doing to save the species.

Full disclosure: I personally know Jaymi Heimbuch who wrote the text portion of this book. Does that make me biased? Well, maybe. But I did my best to remain as objective as possible! I also conducted an interesting experiment: I sat down with my wife and showed her “The Ethiopian Wolf,” and while she was looking at the book, I was secretly noting at her reactions.

Her first comment was that the book looked really nice. (It does! My snapshots of the pages don’t do it justice). But what really struck me is that every time she flipped a page, she would go “ooooh” and “aaaah” at the photos, or sometimes laugh at the funny ones. (There’s a shot of a giant mole-rat that is particularly hilarious.)

But even better: The photos are so good and so intriguing that on pretty much every page she read the descriptions to learn more, or or she discussed something that caught her attention. I think that’s the real test for a book of this type. Are you not only enjoying the photos, but also seeing thought-provoking things that make you want to learn more about the topic covered? On that front, “The Ethiopian Wolf” is a great success. Effortlessly educational, in other words.

The people behind the book, Ethopian Wolf

In “The Ethiopian Wolf,” there’s a good balance between the Ethiopian wolves and their natural habitat, and the conservation efforts to save them. If you get the book for the pretty pictures, you’ll be thrilled; and if you get it to learn more about what’s being done to save the species, you won’t be disappointed either.

Above you can see the book’s photographers, Rebecca R. Jackrel and Will Burrard-Lucas. Kudos to them, great work! It must not have been easy to get all these shots in such a remote corner of the world.

You can buy the book at the book website. Note that 50 percent of profits from every book sale will be donated to the Ethiopian Wolf Conservation Programme.

This story originally appeared on TreeHugger and is republished here with permission.

Rise of the Daughters of Ethiopia! Alemayehu G Mariam

Al Mariam‎ Semayawi Party- Ethiopia

MARCH 16, 2014
Rise of the Daughters of Ethiopia!
Alemayehu G Mariam

Semayawi Women“We can’t take it anymore!”

Semayawi Party in Ethiopia has done it again!

This time it is the young women of Semayawi Party who took to the streets of Addis Ababa during the 5k run held as part of the International Women’s Day celebrations on March 9. They spoke; no, they cried out the unvarnished truth to the abusers of power:

“We can’t take it anymore! We are hungry! We need freedom! We need freedom! Free Eskinder! Free Andualem! Free Abubaker! Free Reeyot! Free political prisoners! We need justice! Freedom! Freedom! Freedom! Don’t divide us! Ethiopia is One! One Ethiopia! We can’t take it anymore! We are hungry…”

I take my hat off to the young women leaders of Semayawi Party. I am so proud of them. Over the past few months, many people questioned why I rose up and enthusiastically supported Semayawi Party. If anyone has questions why I am the #1 cheerleader for Semayawi Party, let them watch this VIDEO and find out.

I cannot in good conscience stand on the sidelines watching when a ruthless regime is clubbing and bludgeoning Ethiopia’s young daughters and sons like baby seals. I will not watch silently when Ethiopia’s young people are jailed, beaten, tortured and abused simply because they exercised their human right to speak. I will be their voice and tell the world about their persecution and suffering.

They protested peacefully. They suffered peacefully. That is what Semayawi Party is all about, suffering for peaceful and nonviolent change. The Semayawi Party young women leaders and members joined the 5k run just like everybody else. They ran and they marched, peacefully. They broke no law. They did not throw a single rock. They assaulted no one. They did not engage in a single scuffle. Not one person out of the thousands of runners suffered injury as a result of their participation (or for no other reason). Not a single piece of property was damaged. Not a single official was threatened or injured. The Semayawi Party women did not even use a single abusive word. They did it all peacefully, gracefully and with class. Those young women were the quintessential definition of pure class! I am so proud of them that my cup runneth over!

The 5k event was sponsored by the regime’s “Ministry of Women, Children & Youth Affairs” as the climax of the International Women’s Day celebrations. The regime’s theme was “Choice Women First 5km Run” (whatever that means). The regime boasted the event would attract over 10,000 women and girls. When the regime put out the call for women participants, it forgot that the dynamic young women leaders of Semayawi Party would also receive the memo. They did. They showed up in yellow T-shirts, but not to be a propaganda prop for the regime. They were there to run. Run for their freedom. Run for Ethiopian national unity. Run to free political prisoners. Run to call attention to the misery and despair of the people. The young Semayawi women displayed not only courage in the face of a regime known for its barbaric brutality but also used stunning creativity to expose the brutality of the regime.

At the end of the 5k run, seven young Semayawi Party women were arrested, beaten and jailed. Among the victims of human rights abuse include Meron Alemayehu, Mignote Mekonnen, Metasebiya Tekle, Weyni Neguse, Negest Wondyfra, Woynshet Molla, and Emebet Girma. Another three young men who hold top Semayawi Party positions, including Getaneh Balcha (Head of Organizational Affairs), Berhanu Tekleyared (Head of Public Relations) and Abel Ephrem (a member of Public Relations Committee) were also jailed when they went to inquire on the condition of the young women detainees.

Daughters of Taitu and Menelik in kangaroo court

I have always said that the regime in Ethiopia operates a kangaroo court system. The “charges” against the Semayawi Party leaders demonstrate beyond a shadow of doubt that the regime indeed operates a kangaroo court system. The charges against the Semayawi leaders could happen only in the theatre of the absurd. The kangaroo court drama which unfolded during the second “court hearing” on March 14 would have offered theatrical grist to Samuel Beckett, Eugène Ionesco, Jean Genet or even Franz Kafka. It was legal drama staged in an irrational and nihilistic justice system invisibly manipulated by faceless, nameless, brainless, conscienceless, feckless and faithless politicians and imposters whose lifeblood is the suffering and misery of their victims. It is a kangaroo justice system where justice is so disfigured it has no face. Justice so mangled it has no body. The face and body of justice in Ethiopia’s kangaroo court is a robotic judge who is remote-controlled and repeats only what he is programmed to say by his masters. The body of justice is represented by thugs in uniform.

According to one observer in the courtroom, a “police inspector” by the name of “Yemata” testified that the Semayawi women were observed engaging in terrorism by publicly shouting that “they are daughters of Tayitu (a 19th Century Ethiopian Empress) and daughters of Emeye Menelik (a 19th Century Ethiopian Emperor and husband of Empress Taitu).” The “inspector” also alleged that the accused shouted in public that they are “hungry and demanded the release of political prisoners and jailed journalists including Reeyot and Eskinder and Andualem and others.” That is the essence of the alleged “terrorist acts” committed by the Semayawi Party women.

The hearing was delayed by over an hour because the Semayawi women had refused to change their T-shirts in jail for their “court” appearance. The police believed allowing them to appear in “court” in their T-shirts would signify political defiance. The police reportedly scuffled with the women to force them to change their T-shirts before making the trip to “court”. The Semayawi young men remained in the holding area until the women were brought in. The “courtroom” was packed with observers and all of the Semayawi Party leadership was present in full force.

The “federal prosecutor” requested that he be given 14 days continuance to investigate and gather evidence while the women remained in jail. (The practice of arresting and jailing a suspect and going out to look for evidence of wrongdoing is the hallmark of the regime’s kangaroo court system. This bizarre pre-trial tactic has been used in every single high profile criminal case over the past decade, including the two dozen or so former officials and businessmen arrested for corruption last year. Their cases remain in limbo as the prosecutor is still looking for evidence of their corruption, even though the regime publicly stated that they had been investigating the case for over two years.)

The prosecutor argued against bail for the Semayawi Party leaders because they “will destroy evidence already in police custody and that they could intimidate and scare witnesses from testifying”. The Semayawi defendants’ attorney, Ato Alemu Gobebo (whose daughter is the jailed and internationally celebrated journalist Reeyot Alemu) argued for bail and pointed out the political nature of the prosecution. He made it clear that his clients are entitled to bail as a matter of law and the prosecution’s opposition was merely a ploy to keep them in jail. The “judge” denied bail and continued the matter. (In a number of previous high profile cases including the “trials” of the Kinijit Party leaders in 2006, the regime has engaged in witness intimidation, bribery, tampering and subornation of perjury.)

According to court observers, the Semayawi women reported being victims of threats and physically assaults in jail by police and security officials. They were also offered large sums of money to become moles and spy on other Semayawi Party leaders. One of the accused, Nigest Wondifraw, told the “court” that the previous night three male police had come to her cell at midnight and ordered her out. One of the officers brandished a stick and threatened to club her to death unless she cooperated. The other women reported similar threats. They also complained that the police humiliated and threatened them with beatings to make them “back down; they hit us to stop our active membership and fellowship in the Blue Party.” The “judge”, described by observers as “clueless”, ordered the police to complete their investigations and return on March 18.

Fight the power in kangaroo court

The arrest and prosecution of the Semayawi Party women is the regime’s first shot across the bow to warn Semayawi Party to stay put and shut up as the so-called 2015 election looms over the horizon. The regime’s message to Semayawi Party is clear and unmistakable. It follows the three act drama written by the late Meles Zenawi’s drama long ago. Act I. Use the kangaroo courts to harass, intimidate, paralyze and incapacitate Semayawi Party, its leaders and members well ahead of the “elections”. That way any additional crackdowns will look “normal” to the public and not appear vindictive. Act II. A few months before the elections, roundup Semayawi Party leaders and members and warehouse them in jail. That should keep the kangaroo courts busier than a “five dollar hooker”, as the old expression goes. Act III. After the “elections”, deja vu 2005!

There are two options in dealing with the legal persecution and lynching of Semayawi Party leaders and members. 1) Shake one’s head in dismay at the kangaroo court proceedings and walk away in disgust. 2) Fight like Kilkenny cats in kangaroo court and defend the rights of the Semayawi Party leaders and members.

The regime is counting on the fact that Ethiopians and others will be so disgusted with the whole kangaroo court charade that they will shake their heads and ignore it, or at best criticize it and move on. They calculate that the Semayawi Party leaders will in time be “forgotten” like Eskinder Nega, Reeyot Alemu, Andualem Aragie, Abubaker Ahmed and the rest. There is little doubt that the regime expects to continue its kangaroo court harassment campaign with maximum effect and efficiency.

The essence of nonviolent struggle is to use the institutions and laws of the oppressor against the oppressor. There should be no mistake. No one is expecting to see even the shadow of justice in the regime’s kangaroo courts. No one suffers under any delusion of getting justice in kangaroo court. We know exactly what is going to happen. The script has already been written; more accurately, the same script used to prosecute (more accurately persecute) previous political defendants has been updated by changing the names and few other details.

We have seen that movie before. The accused Semayawi Party leaders and members will be shuttled back and forth to kangaroo court every few weeks. There will be more delays as the regime’s prosecutor goes out looking for evidence (though that sounds absurd since the running event is over and no additional evidence can be obtained). Requests for bail will be denied, even if it is made a thousand times. The Semayawi Party women will be beaten, mistreated and abused in jail. They will be pressured to rat on each other. They will be offered money and things to sell their souls. They will be offered riches to sell out top Semayawi Party leaders. They will be denied visits by friends, party members and leaders. They will be thrown in solitary confinement. They will be denied medical assistance. Their lives will be made hell on earth in the “stinking jails”, as described by the regime’s own hired expert. The case will drag on straight into the 2015 “elections”. The strategy is simple: Distract, harass, intimidate and sidetrack Semayawi Party leaders and paralyze them from participation in the so-called election.

Regardless of the regime’s script to railroad the Semayawi leaders to prison, there are four compelling reasons why the regime must be challenged and confronted in its own kangaroo courts. First, the regime’s donors and loaners, who make the gross abuses of human rights possible, should be forced to witness their handiwork. This must be done despite the fact that the donors and loaners do not give a rat’s behind about justice or human rights in Ethiopia. Second, the kangaroo trial of the Semayawi Party leaders should itself be a trial of kangaroo courts in kangaroo courts. The regime itself must be put on trial in its own kangaroo courts. Third, the kangaroo court trials must be vigorously contested to make a historical record so that those who sit in judgment (and those who stood behind the curtain manipulating the fingers of those sitting in judgment) today will be judged by their own judgment tomorrow. If those who sit in judgment today think they will forever escape the long arms of justice, let them remember the Nuremberg Trials, the trials in the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa, the International Criminal Court trial of Charles Taylor and even the local prosecution of Jean Bedel Bokassa and so many others. The tables always turn. Think about it. Always!

We can learn a lot from South African history. In 1964, the Apartheid regime put on trial leaders of the African National Congress and other anti-apartheid activists including Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu, Govan Mbeki, Raymond Mhlaba, Ahmed Kathrada, Elias Motsoaledi, and Billy Nair. These seven leaders, like the “Taitu Seven” Semayawi party leaders, did not believe they would get justice in Apartheid kangaroo courts. But they vigorously contested the charges. In doing so, they made history not only for South Africa but also the whole world. The Rivonia Trial of the seven anti-apartheid leaders is today the foundation of justice in South Africa.

Fourth and perhaps most importantly, it is necessary to fight like hell in kangaroo court because that is the only way those who believe in the rule of law can teach in a living and breathing way the criminals who have no respect for the law. Only those who uphold the rule of law have the right to lecture and hector outlaws. A government that disrespects its own laws breeds contempt for itself and the rule of law. Semayawi Party must be second to none in upholding and defending the rule of law.

Support the “Taitu Seven Legal Defense Fund”

Semayawi Party Legal Defense FundI am asking all of my readers to contribute to the “Taitu Seven Legal Defense Fund”. I know there are many who have read my Monday commentaries for years. This is my eight year writing Monday commentaries. I know there are many who disagree with me on everything. I also know I have many, countless many, who agree with me on at least a few things. My appeal is to them. I ask each one of them to help me help the “Taitu Seven” in their trial and tribulations in the kangaroo courts of the regime in Ethiopia. I ask them to make a donation. It does not matter how small. Over the years, I have met thousands of Ethiopians who have told me that they appreciate what I have tried to do. I take no credit for what I have done; if anything, I find myself woefully inadequate in my efforts to improve the human rights situation in Ethiopia.

Exactly seven years ago to the month, I told my readers exactly what I was trying to do in my commentary entitled, “The Hummingbird and the Forest Fire: A Diaspora Morality Tale”. I am doing all that I can do. Now I am asking my readers to do what they can do. Imagine hundreds of thousands of humming birds working together to put out a forest fire. The “Taitu Seven” are in the fire pit of a brutal regime. We can watch them burn or we can fight back with them. Contribute the “Taitu Seven Legal Defense Fund.” Show that you care for Ethiopia’s future – its young men and women.

Ask a Semayawi Party woman…

Semayawi Taitu Defense FundI must confess that I did not agree with Maggie Thatcher, the former British prime minister, on many things. But on her view of women in politics, I have no disagreements. “In politics, if you want anything said, ask a man. If you want anything done, ask a woman.” Let’s do something for the young women leaders and members of Semayawi Party.

Run Semayawi women, run…! Keep on running for freedom…

Please donate on line at: http://www.semayawiusa.org/donate/

Donate by Bank Deposit/Transfer

Payable to Semayawi North America Support
Bank of America
Account #: 435031829977
Routing #: 051000017

Donate By Check

Payable to: Semayawi North America Support
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Washington DC, 20013

Amharas or Amharicans and who to blame in Ethiopia?

March 15th, 2014

By Admasu Belay

This article is in response to the commentary “Ethiopia Anew: A Call to Amhara Ethnic People” which has shocked many Ethiopians around the world. We all respect the work of Dr Zelalem Eshete in trying to solve the maze that is Ethiopian politics. But his article indirectly vilifying and accusing Amhara people is misleading and historically inaccurate. Just like OLF’s best friend Wallalign Mekonnen, Dr Zelalem seems to have bowed down to the pressure and propaganda waged by the tribalists among us.

I will discuss how Dr Zelalem’s article asking “Amhara people” to confess and repent our so called “sins” defies common sense. First of all, we have to understand the different identities in Ethiopia and how they are created. Did the Amhara ethnic group or “Amhara nation” ever existed before? Ofcourse no. If the myth that an Amhara conquest/oppression of others (like Oromo, gurage etc) ever happened, then shouldn’t an “amhara nation” exist first? The truth is an “Amhara country” never existed. The only two times we see a resemblance of one “amhara nation” or geographic entity in history is during the brief Italian occupation and under the current TPLF rule. Having lost in their first war against Ethiopia, the Italians knew the only way they can weaken Ethiopian patriots was by divide & rule policy. That strategy eventually fell and we know the current TPLF/OLF aparthied system will also fail.

Dr Zelalem’s first mistake is in believing the “amhara” ethnic identity currently propagated by TPLF/OLF. While there are some people who label themselves Amhara, most of us never call ourselves amhara. For example, i am from Wollo and all my family members say they are Wolloye, all neighbors back home and all friends say they are Wolloye, never Amhara. What Wallalign Mekonnen said is actually better applied here because us Wolloyes have our own culture, own national dress, own dialect, own music and own identity. In fact, if our ancestors were studied some Wolloyes can’t be even associated with an Amhara identity since many originally belong to other ethnic groups but happen to speak Amharic. Even if TPLF/OLF imposed Amhara label on them, they are not amhara. Some “modern” politicians call these amharic speaking people of diverse ethnogroups “Amharicans.” The same way, there are many so-called “Amharicans” from every ethnic group in Ethiopia which happen to speak Amharic as first language.

As mentioned on another Ethiomedia article, Wallalign’s claim that Ethiopian nationalism is fake because Amharic belongs to Amhara and so many other “nationalities” exist, is also another wrong conclusion. As we can see even in the American example, German-Americans are majority population in the multi-ethnic USA but English is the official language due to convenience and to unify the country.

Anyhow, What does our people (falsely labelled amhara) in wollo who died in hundreds of thousands during the 20th century famines have to confess and repent about? What did we do wrong? We are the ones who suffered the most. The truth is we actually deserve apologies from the rest of Ethiopia, not the other way around. For example, since the time of Menelik, almost 80% of development projects and all types of advancements were planted throughout present day “Oromia” (in addis, ambo, adama, debrezeit almost everywhere in oromia!) while our Wollo people were starving to death! The Shewan rulers only cared about Shewa region, which is part of current Oromia. Even western historians like Donald Levine noticed this when he said “Amharic-speaking Shewans consider themselves closer to non-Amharic-speaking Shewans than to Amharic-speakers from distant regions.” He was correct and that takes us to another important point: when did Ethiopia ever had rulers claiming to be Amhara? There were many non-amhara Ethiopian leaders since centuries ago (like the Oromo Emperor Iyoas I in 1700s) but let us focus and look at our leaders the last hundred years between 1914-2014. —–
[1] — During the post-Menelik era, the most powerful figures were the army commander Mikael Ali (Oromo), Iyasu V (oromo) and Emperor Haile selassie (mixed including Oromo).
[2] –During the Derg era, the most powerful leaders were General Aman Andom (Tigrayan/Eritrean), Tafari Benti (Oromo) and Mengistu (Welayta/mixed). [3] — And recently we had Meles zenawi (Tigrayan) and Hailemariam Desalegn (welayta).
As we can see, most of our past leaders can be labelled Amharicans, but they could never be labeled as Amhara.

What TPLF/OLF had done is (just like the Italian occupiers) simplify our identities and divide our people by using only language as a sole defining tool of identification. But There is another elephant in the room that TPLF/OLF hides from Ethiopians. Since the 60s when marxism/socialism poisoned our politics, the only reason that we are always blamed and accused as oppressors in Ethiopia is because we speak Amharic as our first language. Nothing else, nothing more. The harsh truth that TPLF/OLF can’t swallow is that if we did not have our own alphabet and if the powerful Orthodox church (which was the state for centuries) did not use our more convenient language as its lingua franca, the roles could have easily been reversed in Ethiopian politics today. It is all by chance and there was no design to oppress others as Amharicans come from many diverse background and ethnicity, but simply share this language that was gradually adopted by all.

What is more unfortunate today is that the victims are the ones being accused and becoming more victimized in Ethiopia. Many crimes might have occurred over a century ago in the past. But in more recent memory, it is us Amharic speakers who are being oppressed and killed in Ethiopia. The slow genocide of Amharic speakers started when the OLF joined TPLF government in the early 1990s and massacred thousands of so called “Amharas.” This OLF/OPDO crime has continued in recent years in southern and eastern Ethiopia. Dr. Zelalem, This is what the current generation has seen first hand! This are the crimes that TPLF/OLF should confess and repent for!

In general, reconciliation is vital in Ethiopia but we have to separate the system/government from the whole group. We can not blame the whole Oromo people for OLF’s crimes or the whole Tigray people for TPLF’s crimes. We should not blame any whole group of people for the crimes of any Ethiopian governments.