Author: Gemoraw
ቆፍጣናው ጎንደር
44ቱ ጎንደር
Tradition states that the ancient Ethiopian capital of Gondar had 44 churches. The number of churches in this list is less than that — Stuart Munro-Hay provides some evidence that shows the number was meant to be taken symbolically, rather than literally — and not all of them are, properly speaking, in Gondar.
| Name | Date founded (if known) | Comments |
|---|---|---|
| Abba Antons | 1715 | Located west of Gondar. Original paintings removed in 1933 by Marcel Griaule, now on display at theMusée de l’Homme.[2] |
| Abajale Tekle Haymanot | Original church built during reign of Emperor Fasilides | |
| Abhorra Giyorgis | Located 3 kilometers south of Gondar | |
| Abyegzi | Original church founded by an aristocrat in the reign of Tekle Haymanot II. Present structure is a round church | |
| Adababay Iyasus | Located in Adababay, the market place outside the southern gates of the Royal Enclosure. Founded by Emperor Fasilides.[3] | |
| Adababay Tekle Haymanot | Located in Adababay. Founded by Emperor Iyasus I[4] | |
| Asasame Qeddus Mikael | Located inside the Royal Enclosure. Dedicated by Emperor Dawit II.[5] | |
| Ba’eta Maryam | 1775 | |
| Cherkos | Located on southeast end of Adababay, and named after the child martyr Quiricus of Tarsus. Original church founded by Emperor Tekle Haymanot II | |
| Dafacha Kidane Mehret | “Convent of Mercy” Founded by Bakaffa; by 1973 this church was in ruins | |
| Debre Berhan Selassie | 1693 | Best known of the churches of Gondar for its interior paintings. Avoided destruction by the Mahdists in 1888, this church “offers some idea of what other treasures might be in Gonder today had it not been for the Mahdist War.”[6] |
| Debre Metmaq Mariyam | Founded by Emperor Tekle Giyorgis in late 18th century. | |
| Dibabo | Also known as the “Church of the Apostles of Deva” | |
| Elfin Giyorgis | Located inside the Royal Enclosure. Constructed by Emperor Fasilides.[5] | |
| Ewostatewos | Named for the Ethiopian saint. Founded by Bakaffa | |
| Egziabeher Ab | Founded by Emperor Fasilides, but destroyed in the Mahdist sack of Gondar. According to Solomon Getahun, the site is now occupied by a mosque built during the rreign of Emperor Menelik II.[7] | |
| Fit Qeddus Mikael | Old church of St Michael, burned down in 1725. A modern round church stands on this site, although an old archway from the original church still stands | |
| The Four Saints | Also known as the church of the Four Animals. Now vanished, but the site is marked by a fig tree. | |
| Gemjabet Mariyam | Located inside the Royal Enclosure. Constructed by Emperor Fasilides.[8] | |
| St. George of Damot | Burned down in 1695 | |
| Hamara Noh (“Noah’s Ark”) | 1710 | Also known as Selestu Mit. Founded by Emperor Tewoflos. Mentioned numerous times in the 18th century, this church since vanished without a visible trace. |
| Hawaryat | By 1938, all that remained were traces of the enclosure wall and a mound of stones. | |
| St. John of Guara | Perhaps founded by one of the relatives of Empress Mentewab | |
| Lideta Mariyam | 1713 | |
| Mariyam Seyon | Munro-Hay doubts this church ever existed | |
| Mariyam Sihor | Church southwest of Gondar | |
| Medhane Alem | Seat of the Ethiopian Orthodox bishop of Gondar | |
| St. Mikael of Aira | Unidentified | |
| St. Mikael of Belageo | Also known as Bilajig Mikael | |
| Peter and Paul | Unidentified | |
| Qaha Iyasus church | May have existed before the founding of Gondar. | |
| Qeddus Abbo | Also known as Fit Abbo. First church built by Emperor Fasilides in Gondar. | |
| Qeddus Fasilides | Munro-Hay believes this “was actually nothing other than a re-use of the pavilion in the lake usually called the Bath of Fasiladas.” | |
| Qeddus Gabrael | Original church said to have been built by Emperor Fasilides; location now occupied by a large square church. Solomon Getahun notes this was the seat of the Abuna, and served as a refuge for asylum-seekers. The Abuna moved his residence to Medhane Alem (see above) during the Italian occupation.[9] | |
| Qeddus Rafael | 1722 | Adjacent to the Royal Enclosure. Burned during unrest in Iyasus II’s reign; present structure a new building |
| Qeddus Yohannes | Built by Ras Wolde Leul during the reign of Iyasu II, currently all that remains of this structure is the stone-built pedestal. Reconstruction planned. | |
| St Simeon of Tzaamdi | Munro-Hay suggests two different churches this might be: either a church of Samuel southwest of Gondar, or the church of “Tzemba” located on the Lesser Angereb | |
| Wolleka Ba’ata | Located three kilometers north of Gondar | |
| Wrangeb Giyorgis | May have existed before founding of Gondar[10] | |
| Yohannes Wolde Nagwadgwad | Founded by Emperor Tekle Haymanot II |
References
- ^ Unless otherwise indicated, information for this list taken from Munro-Hay, Ethiopia, the unknown land: a cultural and historical guide (London: I.B. Tauris, 2002), pp. 142-156.
- ^ David Buxton, The Abyssinians (New York: Praeger, 1970) p. 151
- ^ Munro-Hay, Ethiopia, pp. 140f
- ^ Munro-Hay, Ethiopia, p. 141
- ^ a b Munro-Hay, Ethiopia, p. 140
- ^ Philip Briggs, Ethiopia: The Bradt Travel Guide, 5th edition (Chalfont St Peters: Bradt, 2002), p. 233
- ^ Solomon Getahun, History of the City of Gondar (Trenton: Africa World Press, 2005), pp. 17f
- ^ Munro-Hay, Ethiopia, p. 139
- ^ Solomon Getahun, City of Gondar, pp. 22, 31
- ^ Solomon Getahun, City of Gondar, p. 3
ወንጀለኛ የህወሃት ጀሌዎችን በህግ ለመፋረድ ድጋፍዎን ይስጡ
ወንጀለኛ የህወሃት ጀሌዎችን በህግ ለመፋረድ ድጋፍዎን ይስጡ
ኢትዮጵያዊያን በሀገራቸው ጭቆና፣ አድልኦ፣ ግፍና በደል አንገሽግሿቸው ተሰደው በሚኖሩበት ምድር ሁሉ ክብራቸውና ነጻነታቸው ተጠብቆ
መኖር እንደሚገባቸው ፈጽሞ አጠያያቂ አይደለም። የህግ ልእልና በሰፈነባቸው አገሮችም ይህንን መሰረታው መብት ለማስጠበቅ ከህግ በላይ
ምንም ሀይልና ጉልበት ያለው መሰሪያ የለም።
ህወሃት መራሹ የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት “አሰረን አሳደደን” በማለት በአውሮፓና በአሜሪካ የፖለቲካ ጥገኝነት በመጠየቅ
በስደተኛ ስም በተለያየ የማምታቻ ሽፋን ተደብቀው ኢትዮጵያዊያን ያለስጋት የነጻነት አየር እየተነፈሱ እንዳይኖሩ
ለማድረግ የሚጥሩ ሰላዮችና የጨቋኙ ስርአት አቀንቃኞች መኖራቸው በተለያየ ጊዜ የተረጋገጠ ሃቅ ነው።
ምንም እንዃን በርካታ ኢትዮጵያዊያን በተደጋጋሚ የነዚህ ወንጀለኛና አሸባሪ ግለሰቦች ሰለባ ቢሆኑም
እስካሁን ጠንካራ ህጋዊ እርምጃ እንዲወሰድባቸው በቂ ጥረት አልተደረገም።
ባለፈው ግንቦት 10 2004 (May 18, 2012) ጋዜጠኛ እና የሰብአዊ መብት ተሟጋች የሆነው አበበ ገላው
የቀድሞው አንባገነን መለስ ዜናዊን ወንጀሎች በአለም መሪዎች ፊት ስላወገዘ እና ስላጋለጠ እንዲሁም የታፈነ
የኢትዮጵያን ህዝብ የነጻነት ጩኸት ስላሰማ በተለያዩ የህወሃት ጀሌዎች የሽብር ፈጠራ ወንጀል ሰለባ ሆኗል።
በቅርቡ ከነዚህ በህገወጥ የወንጀልና የስለላ ተግባር ከተሰማሩ የህወሃት ጀሌዎች መሃል ጥቂቶቹን ያጋለጠው ጋዜጠኛ አበበ ገላው፣ ጠበቃ ይዞ
በህግ ለመፋረድ እንቅስቃሴ ጀምሯል።
ይሄንኑ አላማ ለማሳካት እና ወያኔዎች የፈጠሩትን የጸጥታ ስጋት አቅም በፈቀደ መንገድ ለመቅረፍ ጥቂት የECAD የፓልቶክ መድረክ አባላት
በራሳቸው አነሳሽነት ባዋጡት ገንዘብ ለዚሁ አላማ ማስፈጸሚያ የሚሆን ልዩ የባንክ ሂሳብ ተከፍቷል::
ነጻነትና የህግ ልእልና በሰፈነባቸው አገሮች ከህግ በላይ ወንጀለኞችን የመፋለሚያ መሳሪያ ባለመኖሩ፣ ጉዳዩ ይመለከተናል የሚሉ ኢትዮጵያዊያን
ሁሉ የገንዘብ ድጋፍ በማድረግ ይህንን ጥረት አቅማቸው የፈቀደላቸውን ያህል እንዲያግዙ ወገናዊ ጥሪ ቀርቧል።
ህግን ተጠቅሞ ህገወጦችን መፋረድ አንድ የትግል ስልት በመሆኑ ለአንድ ሰው ብቻ የሚተው ጉዳይ አለመሆኑ ለማንም ግልጽ ነው። እርስዎም
ለዚሁ እንቅስቃሴ የገንዘብ ድጋፍ ማድረግ አስፈላጊነቱን ካመኑበት ከታች ከተዘረዘሩት አማራጮች በአንዱ መንገድ አስተዋጽኦ ማድረግ
ይችላሉ:::
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AG Legal Fund, Acc. No. 485010192701
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እናመሰግናለን!!
Ethiopian Flower Exporters Cash In on Valentine’s Day
ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA — Ethiopia’s flower exporters are cashing in on Valentine’s Day, as the industry blooms.
Many of the roses that lovers give each other on Valentine’s Day happen to be grown in Ethiopia. In the last decade, the industry has grown from nothing to one of the dominant players on the international market.
Zelalem Messele, an Ethiopian flower grower and chairman of EHPEA, the Ethiopian Horticulture Producer Exporters Association, said Valentine’s Day is very important for the country’s flower sector.
“It’s one of the holidays the flower industry flourishes. And the production goes up by 30 to 40 percent and so the demand,” said Messele.
About 85 percent of Ethiopia’s flowers are exported to Europe. Flower exports in 2012 were valued at more than $210 million. This year, the amount is expected to be more than double, at $525 million.
Industry growth and government-provided tax breaks and loans have attracted many foreigners here to set up flower farms in Ethiopia. Of the 90 flower producers in the country, more than half are non-Ethiopians – many of them Dutch.
AQ Roses, a 40-hectare flower farm, 180 kilometers southeast of Addis Ababa, employs 1,250 people. It is run by a Dutch family who came to Ethiopia in 2005. General Manager Frank Ammerlaan said there were multiple reasons for coming to Ethiopia.
“We were much more attracted by the whole atmosphere in Ethiopia. There’s a lot of sunshine. The temperatures are moderate. It’s not too hot, not too cold. That’s why we are able to produce good flowers,” said Ammerlaan.
New jobs
About 1,500 hectares in Ethiopia are used to produce flowers. The fast-growing industry has directly created about 85,000 jobs and roughly 110,000 jobs indirectly. Women take up 80 percent of these jobs.
ZK Flowers is a flower farm 50 kilometers south of Addis Ababa. There are only a few men to be spotted on the eight-hectare flower fields, as women occupy all jobs from cleaning to production management.
Birke Gormis works six days per week in the fields of ZK Flowers. She said the industry has improved her life and that of her family. She said that since she is employed, she is not dependent on her husband when she wants to buy items at the market.
Kenya is currently Africa’s biggest flower exporter and Ethiopia is second. As Ethiopia aims to surpass Kenya in the coming years, it is focusing on penetrating the North American market.
Ethiopia produces first military drone aircraft
An Ethiopian military source has told repoters that the country has built the first unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) or drone which could be used for multiple purposes.
After undergoing testing, the locally made drones, have demonstrated their capability of performing a number of militarily and civilian applications, according to the source.
Speaking on condition of anonymity from the country’s air force base in Debrezeit town, a military official told Sudan Tribune that the drones are equipped with onboard sensors, cameras and GPS to carry out cost-effective monitoring activities even across difficult landscapes like the highlands of Ethiopia.
Besides serving in a number of military missions – such as in monitoring border security – the UAVs will also be deployed to perform geophysical surveys, assist forest protection and monitor forest fires or other natural disasters.
The drones have already made test flights performing a geophysical survey of Ethiopia’s controversial grand renaissance dam, a massive hydro-power plant project the country is constructing on the Blue Nile River near to the Sudanese border.
In recent years, many African countries have shown growing interest in using drones as a cost-effective way to control huge infrastructure facilities, as well as areas rich in natural resources such as oil, mine and gas sites.
In 2011 Ethiopia signed an agreement with Israeli manufacturer BlueBird Aero Systems to purchase drones.
Binyam Tekle, a lecturer and researcher at a government university, says the development of indigenous drones is a great achievement for Ethiopia and will help strengthen the national army.
Due to Ethiopia’s long and fragile borders with Eritrea, Somalia, Kenya, Sudan and more recently South Sudan, he said it is timely for the country to use UAVs to monitor these shared and often tense and porous zones.
“With Eritrea-backed rebels and Somalia’s al-Qaeda linked al-Shabaab terrorists repeatedly posing threats to national security, using UAVs will be crucial for Ethiopia to avert planned attacks,” he told Sudan Tribune.
Ethiopia is a key regional security partner to the United States particularly in the war on terror due to its proximity to Yemen and Somalia.
In 2011, the Obama administration launched a drone base in Ethiopia for counter-terrorism operations in the Horn of Africa, particularly to attack al-Qaeda affiliates in Somalia. Earlier this month, it was revealed that the US has had a drone base in Saudi Arabia, with its existence kept secret by the US media in collusion with the Obama administration.
In recent years, Ethiopia has made tremendous achievements in the defence sector by managing to manufacture its own military equipment and defence systems.
On Thursday, Ethiopia marked its first ever Defence Force Day under the theme “Our constitutional loyalty and public nature would be preserved”.
A defence exhibition was staged in the heart of the capital, Addis Ababa, demonstrating the level of progress the nation has made.
Light and heavy modern weapons, as well as different vehicles manufactured by the army-run automotive industry were also displayed at the exhibition.
Government officials said that Ethiopia has built a defence force capable of breaking any internal or external enemy.
The Horn of Africa nation has one of the strongest army and air forces on the continent and often contributes troops to United Nations peace keeping missions.
Ethiopia spends around 2.4% of its GDP on the military.
Ethiopia airs jihadi film amid sensitive Muslim protest trial
The strategic Horn of Africa country is one-third Muslim and two-thirds Christian; why is its state-TV ginning up religious tension? By William Davison | Christian Science Monitor
Ethiopia, a US ally in the battle against Al Qaeda-affiliated militants in Somalia, added to mounting worries about religious discord in the diverse east African state by screening a provocative documentary on Islamic extremism.
Ethiopian Muslims are furious about the film, which they say dishonestly blurs the distinction between legitimate political protest and violence by using lurid images of foreign terrorists that have nothing to do with them.
The program, Jihadawi Harekat (Holy War Movement), ran on state-TV at peak watching hours last week, and it associates local Muslim protesters now on trial with militant groups such as Nigeria’s brutal Boko Haram movement and Somalia’s Al Shabab, as well as unrelated Ethiopian militants.
Currently, 29 leaders of a Muslim protest movement, and representatives of two Islamic charities are on trial in Addis Ababa, facing charges of plotting violence to create an Islamic state. The trial is being held behind closed doors in order to protect some 200 witnesses, according to the government.
The Muslim defendants were arrested in August after nearly a year of nonviolent protests over what they allege is unconstitutional Ethiopian state meddling in Islamic affairs.
“The risks posed by violent religious radicalism in Ethiopia are not imaginary,” says Jon Abbink, senior researcher from the African studies center at Leiden University in the Netherlands. “But the documentary is probably over-doing it; the susceptibility of Muslims in Ethiopia to Al Qaeda-like radicalization is slim,” he says, adding that the film would appear to “delegitimize” peaceful political disagreements by Muslims and set up the possibility of a “backlash.”
Ethiopia is considered a stronghold of Sufism, an approach to the practice of Islam sharply at odds with that of Al Qaeda and aligned groups. The area has been heralded for centuries for the largely peaceful co-existence of its varied religious communities – though concerns are rising over extremism. Twice in recent years the Army has invaded Somalia to pursue and combat Islamist militants and salafis whose influence is said to be increasing on the Ethiopian side of the border.
Muslims make up a third of a population of around 90 million in sub-Saharan Africa’s second-most populous nation, according to CIA statistics. There are an estimated 57 million Christians.
Ethiopia’s key position in the Horn of Africa – adjacent to volatile Somalia and Sudan and in close proximity to the Middle East and North Africa – gives it an importance in the eyes of Western nations. It receives some $3 billion in strategic aid from various donors and Washington has looked on approvingly as Ethiopian troops take on militants in Somalia and as its peacekeepers patrol the flash-point Sudanese region of Abyei.
In return, Ethiopia allows the US to fly surveillance drones over Somalia from the southern Ethiopian city of Arba Minch.
STOKING TENSIONS
The Muslims who protested (largely peacefully) for nearly a year are led by a 17-man committee from the Awalia Muslim Mission school.
Those on trial say the state is leading a coercive campaign, pushing the nation’s 31 million Muslims towards identifying with a more moderate strain of Islam called Al Ahbash. They allege the government is fearful of a perceived new radical Islamic impulse and is attempting to strengthen its control of Ethiopia’s main Islamic national council.
The group is demanding that Muslims be allowed to run their own affairs, and for their leaders to be released.
Government officials claim the campaign is a stalking-horse for extremists planning an Islamic takeover.
Last week, in the midst of hot debate over the trial of the 29, Ethiopian Television [ETV] ran the hour long documentary, and then repeated it on consecutive days at peak-time after the news.
While authorities may have intended their documentary to be informative, it has in fact stoked fears among Christians about Muslim intentions, and reignited mass protests by Muslims at mosques.
The film starts with shots of Al Shabab fighters in Somalia and scenes of carnage following Boko Haram bomb attacks in Nigeria. Then it segued to interviews with alleged militants, some from a cell of 15 Ethiopians recently arrested.
In the film, one man, Aman Assefa, told the cameras they were planning attacks in Ethiopia after being trained and armed by Al Shabab.
Then, inexplicably, clips of interviews with some of the 29 on trial and of speeches from Awalia leaders followed. Then interviews with ordinary Ethiopian citizens appeared, saying that the Muslim group’s demands for more religious autonomy were bogus because there is ample religious freedom in Ethiopia.
In a phone interview after the film was aired, government spokesman Shimeles Kemal said the documentary revealed “loosely connected terror networks” in Ethiopia, with shared objectives.
“The whole thing was coordinated by the government,” says Kedir Mohammed, a taxi driver, expressing skepticism.
In recent days, some 90,000 Muslims, the biggest grouping since Ramadan in August, gathered around Grand Anwar, the largest mosque in Ethiopia, located in the Muslim-majority market area of Addis Ababa, after Friday prayers last week to respond. Signs proclaimed “ETV is a liar” and “ETV. Made in False.”
“This is going to increase more and more until those people are released,” says Mr. Kedir the taxi driver.
“There’s no fear but people became more angry with the government,” says 17-year-old trader Abdulkarim Mohammed.
PROPAGANDA OR PUBLIC INFORMATION?
Opposition politicians were similarly outraged when ETV, the only Ethiopian broadcaster, screened a comparably skewed program, Akeldama [Field of Blood], just as charismatic critics of the government Eskinder Nega and Andualem Arage were being prosecuted last year.
Dissidents view the latest broadcast as the natural act of a police state that is intolerant of dissent and dependent on divisive propaganda to focus public attention away from its misrule.
“Keep on recording at least half of your crimes, that is part of our collective memory,” exiled Addis Neger newspaper editor Mesfin Negash wrote in a statement addressed to “Dear Oppressors” on Facebook.
“The only thing I like about your court drama is this aspect of recording your history of injustice and the crime you are committing in the name of justice.”
Many ordinary citizens were divided over the film. Even some who are sympathetic to the government have questioned its timing in the midst of a high profile trial. Others have praised it.
”After watching the documentary my mother said something like ‘I didn’t know terrorist were that organized in Ethiopia and a threat to our country,’ ” says one viewer who said she considered the program “ridiculous” propaganda. “She said the government has done the right thing to crackdown before it gets worse.”
A middle-aged rental agent from a Christian family alleged that a quarter of Muslims support extremists and that many newly wealthy Muslims are building mosques with cash from Gulf states, in a comment expressing typical frustration and suspicions among Christians.
“The government is trying to reduce the power of Muslims,” he says, after asking for the interview to be moved away from a Muslim-owned property.
History of Gondar ETV
በሌሎች ተክዶ ራሱንም የካደው ትውልድ
በሌሎች ተክዶ ራሱንም የካደው ትውልድ
የዘመናዊ ትምህርት ወይም “ቀለም ቀመስ” የሆነው የዐማራው ትውልድ በሌሎች ነገዶች/ጎሣዎች ቀለም ቀመስ
ትውልድ ተክዷል። በሌሎች መካዱን ያልተረዳውና ሊረዳም ያልፈለገው ቀለም ቀመሱ የዐማራ ትውልድ፣ የራሱን ማንነት
ክዶ የገዛ ትውልዱን ከጥፋት ለመከላከል የሚያስችለውን አቅሙን ላለመጠቀም የተለያዩ ምክንያቶችን በመደርደር ራሱንና
ወገኖቹን ለጥፋት አጋልጦ፣ “የራሷ ሲያርባት የሰው ታማስላለች” ዓይነት ሆኖ ይታያል። ልብ እንበል ፣ ልብ በሉ!
የኢትዮጵያ ቀለም ቀመስ የሆነው ትውልድ ፣ በ1960ዎቹ “መሬት ላራሹ!” የሚለውን መፈክር ሲያነሣ፣ በመካከሉ
ልዩነት አልነበረም። በ”መሬት ላራሹ” መፈክር መሪነት ሕዝባዊ ትግሉ እየገፋ ሲሄድ ቀለም ቀመሱን ትውልድ በአቋም
ከሁለት የከፈለ መሠረታዊ ጥያቄ ተነሣ። ያም ጥያቄ፦ “የኢትዮጵያ መሠረታዊ ችግር ምንድን ነው?” የሚለው ነበር። ለዚህ
ጥያቄ ሁነኛ መልስ ለመስጠት በተደረገ የኃሣብ ፍጭት ሁለት ʻበሰሜንና ደቡብ ያህል ተራርቀው የቆሙʼ አቋሞች ጎልተው
ወጡ። አንደኛው አቋም “የኢትዮጵያ መሠረታዊ ችግር ብሔራዊ ጭቆና ነው፤ ጨቋኙም የዐማራ ነገድ (በእነርሱ ቋንቋ
ብሔር) ነው፤ የዐማራው ነገድ ሲወገድ ችግሩ ይፈታል፤” ከሚል መደምደሚያ ደረሰ። ሁለተኛው ጽንፍ ደግሞ፦
“የኢትዮጵያ መሠረታዊ ችግር የመደብ ልዩነት ነው፤ ጨቋኝ መደቦች፣ በተለይም ገዥው ጨቋኝ የዐማራ መደብ ሲወገድ
የኢትዮጵያ ችግር ይፈታል፤” ብሎ አመነ። እንደ አለመታደል ሆኖ በሁለቱም አቋሞች የተለያየ ስም ይሰጠው እንጂ፣
እንዲጠፋ የተፈረደበት የዐማራው ነገድ ነበር፣ ነውም። ስለዚህ ዛሬ በዐማራው ነገድ ላይ እየተፈጸመበት ያለው የዘር
ማጽዳት ዘመቻ የተጠነሰሰው በዚያን ወቅት እንደነበር የድርጊቱ ሂደት ቁልጭ አድርጎ ያሳያል።
የነበረውን የአቋም ልዩነት ተከትሎ “ሕዝባዊ እንቅስቃሴውን እንመራዋለን” ያሉ ድርጅቶች ብቅ አሉ።
በመጀመሪያው አቋም ዙሪያ የተኮለኮሉት፦
(1) በቅኝ ገዥዎች ዓላማ የተጠመቁትና “ኤርትራ በኢትዮጵያ ቅኝ ግዛትነት ተይዛለች፣ ከቅኝ ገዥዋ ከኢትዮጵያ ነፃ
መውጣት አለባት”ብለው የተነሱት ጀብሃና ሻዕቢያ፣
(2) ትግራይን በመገንጠል “የትግራይን ሪፐብሊክ እመሠርታለን” ያለው ሕወሓት (ወያኔ)፣
(3) “የዐማራው ነገድ ኃይማኖታችንን ፣ ባህላችንን እና ቋንቋችንን አጥፍቷል፣ በመሆኑም ዐማራው ከሚያስተዳድራት
የአቢሲኒያ ኢምፓዬር ነፃነታችን ማግኘት አለብን፣” ያለው ኦነግ እና በዚህ አቋም ዙሪያ የተደራጁት የነገድና የጎሣ
ድርጅቶች ነበሩ።
በሁለተኛው አቋም ዙሪያ ተሠባስበው የነበሩት ደግሞ፦
(1) የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝባዊ አብዮታዊ ፓርቲ (ኢሕአፓ)፣
(2) የመላው ኢትዮጵያ ሶሻሊስት ንቅናቄ (መኢሶን)፣
(3) በኢማሌድኅ ሥር የታቀፉት ድርጅቶች፦ አብዮታዊ ሠደድ ፣ ወዛደር ሊግ ፣ ማሌሪድ እና ኢጭአት ሆነው
እናገኛቸዋለን።
ይህ ሁለተኛ ስብስብ በመሠረታዊው ጥያቄ ዙሪያ አንድ ዓይነት መልስ ቢኖረውም፣ በችግር አፈታቱ ታክቲክ አመራረጥ
ረገድ ድርጅቶቹ የተለያዩ መንገዶችን መረጡ። በዚህም የተነሣ “የአገሪቱ መሠረታዊ ችግር ነው” ላሉት “የመደብ ልዩነት”
ጉዳይ አጥጋቢ መልስ አልሠጡም። ከዚያ ይልቅ አንዱ ሌላውን አሸንፎ የበላይ ሆኖ ለመውጣት ከፕሮፓጋንዳ አልፎ እስከ
ትጥቅ ትግል ባደረጉት ግብግብ እርስ በራሳቸው በመጠላለፋቸው አጥፊና ጠፊ ሆኑ። የተፈጠረውም ግብግብ ከአባሎቻቸው
አልፎ ለአንድ ዘመን የኢትዮጵያ ወጣት ትውልድ ዕልቂት ምክንያት ሆነ።በዚያን ዘመን በአቋም ደረጃ ሁሉም ኃይሎች የተስማሙበት አንድ መሠረታዊ ነጥብ “ጨቋኙ ገዥ መደብ የወጣው
ከዐማራው ነገድ ነው። ስለዚህ የዐማራው ነገድ የበላይነት መሠበር አለበት፤” የሚል ነበር። ይህንን መፈክር አንግበው
የዐማራውን ነገድ ተወላጆች የኃብትና የፆታ ልዩነት ሣያደርጉ እያደኑ ጨፈጨፏው። ይህም ዕርምጃ ውሎ አድሮ ለኢትዮጵያ
ዘብ ቆሞ የኖረውን የዐማራውን ነገድ ኃይል አዳከመው። በተቃራኒው ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያ አቋም ለያዙት ብሔርተኛ ድርጅቶች
ብርታትንና ጉልበትን በማጎናጸፍ የፈለጉትን ኢትዮጵያን የማፈራርስ ድርጊት እንዲገፉበት ሠፊ ዕድል ሰጣቸው።
በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ “የኢትዮጵያ መሠረታዊ ችግር ብሔራዊ ጭቆና ነው፤ ጨቋኙም ዐማራው ነው፤” ብለው
የተነሡት የነገድና የጎሣ ድርጅቶች በአቋማቸው ፀንተው ሲቆሙ፣ የዐማራው ነገድ ልጆች ግን በአቋም ከሁለት፣ በታክቲክ
ረገድ ከሁለት በላይ በሆኑ ቡድኖች ተከፋፍለው ቆሙ። ለዚህ አስተዋፅዖ ያደረገው የኤርትራ ገንጣይ ቡድኖች አባሎች
የብሔራዊ ፖለቲካ እንቅስቃሴ ያደርጉ በነበሩት ድርጅቶች ውስጥ ሠርገው በመግባት የሩቅ ግባቸውን ለማሣካት ያደረጉት
አሻጥር ነው። በጀብሃና በሻቢያ እምነት ትግላቸው የሠመረ የሚሆነው፦ ʻየትውልዱን የኢትዮጵያዊነት መንፈስ አዲስ-ገብ
በሆነው የማርክሣዊ-ሌኒኒናዊ-ማዖአዊ ርዕዮተ-ዓለም በማደንዘዝ የራሱን ማንነት አስትቶ የሌሎችን ባዕድ ማንነት
እንዲከናነብ ሲደረግ፤ ጠንካራ ማዕከላዊ መንግሥት ሲዳከም፤ በነገዶችና በጎሣዎች መካከል የነበረው ነባር የአንድነት እና
የአብሮነት ስሜት ሲላላ፤ “ለኢትዮጵያ አንድነት ጠበቃ ነው” ብለው የሚወነጅሉትን የዐማራው ነገድ ሌሎች ነገዶች
በጠላትነት ፈርጀው ያለ የሌለ ኃይላቸውን እንዲያነሱበት ሲደረግ፤ በኢትዮጵያ አንድነት የሚያምነው ኃይል እንዲከፋፈል
ማድረግ ሲቻል ነው፤ʼ ብለው ሥልታቸውንና ታክቲካቸውን ነድፉ። የዐማራው ነገድ ቀለም-ቆጠር ትውልድ ግን
የተደገሠለትን ሣያውቅ “አያ በሬ ሆይ፣ ሣሩን አየህና ገደሉን ሳታይ፤” ሆኖበት በተገንጣዮቹና ብሔርተኞቹ ወጥመድ ውስጥ
ሰተት ብሎ ገባላቸው። ይህም አካሄድ የጠነከረ የኢትዮጵያዊነት አቋም የነበራቸውንና ያላቸውን የዐማራውን ነገድ ልጆች
አሠናክሎ በአንድ መሶብ እንዳይመገቡ፣ ባንድ ኮዳ እንዳይጠጡ፣ በአንድ እንዳይመክሩና እንዳይዘክሩ፣ በአንድ ቃል
እንዳይቆሙ አደረጋቸው።
የሚያሣዝነውና የሚያስቆጨው በዐማራው ነገድ ልጆች መካከል “በዘመነ-አብዮት” የተዘራው የጠላትነት ስሜት
ዛሬም አልደበዘዘም። ከሁሉም የሚያሣዝነው ደግሞ የሁሉም ቡድኖች የርዕዮተ-ዓለም ካባ የነበረው ማርክሲስዝም-
ሌኒኒዝም-ማዖኅዝም እንደ ʻአጥፊ አመለካከትʼ ተቆጥሮ በዓለም ዙሪያ ተወግዞ ተትቷል። የርዕዮቱ ግንባር-ቀደም አራማጅና
አስፋፊ የነበረችው ሶቪዬት ኅብረት፣ ርዕዮቱን ጭራሹኑ ከመተው አልፋ፣ በሥሯ የነበሩት የተለያዩ ግዛቶቿ ተገነጣጥለው 15
ራሣቸውን የቻሉ አገሮች ከተፈጠሩ ከ20 ዓመታት በላይ ሆኗቸዋል። የማዖ ዜዱንግ አገር ሕዝባዊት ቻይና ኮሚኒዝም
ለአገዛዝ እንጂ ለኢኮኖሚ ብልፅግና እንደማይበጅ ተገንዝባ በቅይጥ ፍልሥፍና መመራት ከጀመረች 30 ዓምታት አለፋት።
የኛዎቹ የዐማራው ነገድ ልጆች ግን “ጅልና ወረቀት ያስያዙትን አይለቅም” ሆኖባቸው ዛሬም ያ ተምኔታዊ ʻየመደብ ጠላትነትʼ
ስሜታቸው ከኅሊናቸው ባለመውጣቱ ይቅር ለመባባልና በአንድነት ለመቆም አልቻሉም።
በሌላ አቅጣጫ ሲታይ ደግሞ በፖለቲካ ትግል የአንዱ ቡድን ድክመት ለተቀናቃኙ የጥንካሬ ምንጭ ነው። በዚህም
ረገድ በነገድና በጎሣ ልዩነት ሥር የተደራጁት ቡድኖች ትላንት እነርሱ አብረው ያነሱትን “የመሬት ላራሹ” መፈክር በግንባር
ቀደምትነት ተሸክሞ የጮኸውን እና ወላጆቹን ሰድቦ ለሰዳቢ የሰጠውን የዐማራውን ነገድ ልጆች የትግል አስተዋፅዖ
ክደውታል። አልፈው ተርፈውም የየራሳቸውን የሥልጣን ድርሻ ይዘው በየጎሣቸውና በየነገዳቸው ሠንደቅ ዓላማቸውን
እያውለበለቡ ጎጆ ወጥተዋል። ይህንን ሲያደርጉ ካለምንም ኃፍረትና ይሉኝታ የዐማራውን ነገድ ልሂቃን “አናውቃችሁም ፣
ከየጎጇችን ውጡልን” ብለው ማረፊያ ዛፍ ያጣ ጉሬዛ አድርገዋቸዋል። ነገር ግን ዛሬም የአንድ የዐማራው ነገድ ልጆች፣ ድሮ
በአንድ ክፍል የተማሩ፣ በአንድ ማዕድ የተመገቡ፣ ውኃ ተራጭተው፣ አፈር ፈጭተው አብረው ያደጉ ሰዎች ከሁሉም
አቅጣጫ ለሚደርስባቸው ጥቃት በአንድነት መቆም አልቻሉም። ብሔርተኞቹ የዐማራውን ልሂቃን ከፋፍለው በመጨረሻም
ክደው፣ አገራቸውንና ነገዳቸውን ለማጥፋት ረጅም ርቀት መጓዛቸውን እያዩ፣ በሌሎች ነገዶች ልሂቃን መከዳታቸውን እንኳን
ካለመገንዘባቸውም ሌላ፣ ማንነታቸውን ባስካደው ጎዳና እስከመጨረሻው ለመጓዝ የወሠኑ ይመስላሉ።
የዐማራው ልሂቃን ʻራስን የመካድ አባዜʼ ዋና መገለጫው ሌላ ምንም ሳይሆን የዐማራው ነገድ በወያኔ አገዛዝ
ላለፉት 22 ዓመታት እየደረሰበት ያለውን የዘር ማጥፋት እርምጃ ልጆቹ እንዲታደጉት ለሚያቀርበው የተደጋገመ ጥሪ
ʻየዝሆን ጀሮ ስጠኝʼ ማለታቸው ነው። እንዲያውም የዐማራው ምሁር የበቀለበት የራሱ ነገድ ʻእንደ ክፉ አድራጊʼ ከመወገዝ
አልፎ ሲገደል፣ ሲታሰር፣ ከሥራ ሲፈናቀል፣ በአገሩ አትኖርም ተብሎ ሲባረር እያየ ʻለምን እንዲህ ይደረጋል?ʼ ለማለት ወኔ
አጥሮት ይታያል። የወኔው እጥረት ምክንያትም ሌላ ሣይሆን የዐማራው ነገድ ምሁራን በሌሎች መካዳቸውን፣ ነገዳቸው
በሁሉም ነገድ ልሂቃን በጠላትነት ተፈርጆ እንዲጠፋ የተከፈተበትን ዘመቻ በተከተሉት የመደብ ማጽዳት ርዕየተ-ዓለም
የተነሣ ʻዐማራውን በገዥ መደብነትʼ አብረው ፈርጀው እንዲጠፋ የተስማሙና እነርሱም ራሳቸውን የካዱ ከመሆኑ የመነጨ
ሊሆን እንደሚችል መገንዘብ አይገድም። ይህ ባይሆንማ ኖሮ የቀረው ቢቀር ስብሐት ነጋ፣ ዐባይ ፀሐዬ፣ ሣሞራ የኑስ እና
ሌሎችም ቀንደኛ የወያኔ መሪዎች በመደጋገም “ዐማራውን ገድለን ቀብረነዋል” ሲሉ፤ ዐማራው ʻበደቡብ፣ በምሥራቅና
በምዕራብ ኢትዮጵያ መኖር አትችልምʼ ተብሎ ሲባረር፤ ʻለምን? እንዴት?ʼ ብሎ መጠየቅ የአባት ነበር። የዐማራው ነገድ
ቀለም ቆጠር ትውልድ ይህን ሲያደርግ አለመታየቱና አለመሰማቱ፣ በሌሎች ነገዶች ልሂቃን ተክዶ እንኳን ራሱንም የካደ፤
እንዲሁም የያዘውና እያራመደው ያለው አቋም ካሉት ከነባራዊ ሁኔታዎች ጋር ያልተገናዘበ እንቅስቃሴ እንደሆነ ያስረዳል።
ድርጊቱ የራስን ጥላ የመሸሽ፣ ማንነትን በቅጡ ያለመገንዘብ፣ ከታሰረበት የድርጅትና የአመለካከት እሥር ቤት ለመውጣት
ፈቃደኛ ያለመሆን አመልካች ነው።
እኒህ የዐማራው ልሂቃን ከዚህም አልፈው፦ “በዐማራነት መደራጀት ዘረኛ መሆን እና ወያኔ በከፈተው ቦይ ገብቶ
መፍሰስ ነው፣ ወዘተርፈ” በማለት ተደራጅተው ጥቃቱን ለመመከት በመፍጨርጨር ላይ የሚገኙትን የገዛ ወገኖቻቸውን
ያወግዛሉ። አልፈው ተርፈውም ለዐማራው ኅልውና መቀጥል ተደራጅተው በመታገል ላይ የሚገኙት ኃይሎች ተቀባይነት
እንዳይኖራቸው የተለያዩ መሠናክሎችን እያጠመዱባቸው ይገኛሉ። በሌሎች ነገዶች ልሂቃን ተክደው፣ ራሣቸውንም የካዱት
የዐማራው ልሂቃ ያልተረዱት አንድ ነገር ቢኖር፦ ኢትዮጵያን በማጥፋት፣ ከኢትጵያዊነት እምነቱና ከዜግነቱ እየለየው ያለው
የትግሬ-ወያኔ አገዛዝ ግቡን ከማሣካቱ በፊት ፣ ኢትዮጵያ መጥፋት የለባትም። ለኢትዮጵያና ለኢትዮጵያዊነት መቀጠል
ምሦሦ የሆነው የዐማራው ነገድ በተያዘው የዘር ማፅዳት ዘመቻ ከጠፋ፣ ኢትዮጵያ አትኖርም። ስለሆነም ኢትዮጵያን ለማዳን
“ኢትዮጵያዊ ነኝ” ብሎ ያመነው የዐማራው ነገድ ራሱን አደራጅቶ በመጀመሪያ የራሱን ኅልውና ማስጠበቅ አለበት።
ከ1950ዎቹ አጋማሽ እስከ ጀምሮ ያለው የኢትዮጵያ ቀለም ቆጠር ትውልድ “የአገሪቱ መሠረትዊ ችግር ምንድን
ነው?”ብሎ ላነሣው ጥያቄ ሁለት የተለያዩ ምክንያቶችንና መልሶችን ሰጥቶ በመልሶች ልዩነት ምክንያት ከሁለት መከፈሉ ከፍ
ሲል ተጠቅሷል። በተሰጡት ሁለት መልሶች ዙሪያ የተሰለፉት የፖለቲካ ቡድኖች በለስ ቀንቷቸው የፖለቲካ ሥልጣን ይዘው
ለችግሩ መፍትሔ ይሆናሉ ያሏቸውን መፍትሔዎች በተግባር አውለዋል። ሆኖም ያቀረቧቸው መፍትሔዎች የአገሪቱን ዜጎች
ችግሮች በማቃለል ፈንታ እንዲያውም ሁኔታዎችን እጅግ ወደተወሣሠበ አዘቅት የሚያሠምጥ ሆኗል። “ግን ለምን?” ተብሎ
ቢጠየቅ ችግሮቹ ከመቃለል ይልቅ የተባባሱበት መሠረታዊ ምክንያት፦ ቀለም ቀመሱ ትውልድ የአገሪቱ መሠረታዊ ችግሮች
መነሻ “የመደብ ልዩነትና ብሔራዊ ጭቆና ነው” ሲል የሰጠው መልስ ፍፁም የተሳሳተ በመሆኑ ነው። ማንም መሠረታዊ የሆነ
የአመክንዮ (ሎጂክ) ዕውቀት ያለው ሰው ሊገነዘበው እንደሚችለው፣ ከስሕተት የመነሻ ኃሣብ ላይ ተነስቶ ትክክል የሆነ
መደምደሚያ ላይ መድረስ አይቻልም። ወይም ደግሞ ከውሸት ምክንያት ላይ ተነስቶ እውነተኛ መፍትሔ ላይ መድረስ
አይቻልም። በአብዮቱ መጀመሪያ ጊዜም ሆነ ዛሬ፣ የመደብና የነገድ/ጎሣ ልዩነት የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ መሠረታዊ ችግሮች
አልነበሩም ፣ አይደሉምም። ቀለም ቀመሱ ትውልድ ለአገሪቱ ሕዝብ ችግሮች የሰጠው መልስ መለያየት በራሱ፣ ትውልዱ
የአገሩን ታሪክና ነባራዊ ሁኔታዎች በቅጡ ያላወቀ መሆኑን ከማስረዳት ባሻገር፣ የተሰጡት መልሶች ርዕዮተ-ዓለማዊ
አመለካከትን እንጂ፣ የአገሪቱን ነባራዊ ሁኔታዎች መነሻ ያላደረገ መሆኑን ያሣያል። ስለሆነም በሁለቱም ቡድኖች የተሞከሩት
መፍትሔዎች ተሞክረው የተገኘው ውጤት የተፎከረለት “እኩልነት ፣ ፍትህ ፣ ሰላም ፣ ፈጣን ዕድገት ፣ ወዘተርፈ የተጎናፀፈ
ሕዝብ” ሣይሆን በዓለም ዙሪያ ካሉ የምድራችን ኗሪዎች በሙሉ ʻበችጋር ፣ በረሃብ ፣ በሥደት ፣ በድንቁርና ፣ በሰብዓዊ
መብት ረገጣ የሚማቅቅ ፣ እጅግ ኋላቀር ሕዝብ ፣ ወዘተርፈʼ ዜጎች ያሏትን አገር ነው። በእርግጥ የኢትዮጵያን የፖለቲካ፣ የኢኮኖሚ እና የማኅበራዊ ዕድገት ታሪክ በቅጡ የሚያውቅ ሰው፣ ትናንትም ሆነ
ዛሬ፣ የኢትዮጵያ መሠረታዊ ችግሮች “የመደብ ልዩነትና ብሔራዊ ጭቆና”ያለመሆናቸው ከላይ ተመልክቷል። ስለዚህ የአገሪቱ
ችግሮች የሚፈቱት “ጨቋኝ መደብና ብሔር/ብሔረሰብ” የተባሉትን በመደምሰስና በማጥፋት አይሆንም። ትክክለኛው
የመፍትሔ አቅጣጫ በኢትዮጵያ በሕግ የበላይነት የሚገዛ፣ የግለሰብ ነፃነትና መብት የተረጋገጠበት፣ የግል ኃብት
የተከበረበትና ዋስትና የሚያገኝበት፣ የመንግሥት ሥልጣንና ኃላፊነት በምርጫ ውድድር ከሕዝብ ድምፅ የሚመነጭበት፣
ዲሞክራሲያዊ ሥርዓትና ተቋሞች በመገንባት ነው። ቀለም ቀመሱ ትውልድ ላለፉት 40 ዓመታት እርስ በራሱ የተጠፋፋውና
አሁንም ከመጠፋፋቱ የስሕተት ሂደት ሊላቀቅ ያልቻለው አንዴ የተቀበለውን የማርክሣዊ-ሌኒናዊ-ማዖአዊ ርዕዮተ-ዓለም ልክ
እንደ ኃይማኖት ቀኖና የማይቀየር ዕውነት አድርጎ በመውስዱና ካለፈው የስሕተት ጉዞው ሊማር የማይፈልግ በመሆኑ ነው።
እንደዚያ ባይሆንማ ኖሮ በኢትዮጵያ ዕድገት እንኳን ባይገኝ፣ ቢያንስ የነበረንን ማስጠበቅ ይቻል ነበር። ስለሆነም የዛሬው
ወጣት የተማረ ትውልድ ከእርሱ በፊት የነበረው ቀለም ቀመስ ትውልድ የተጓዘበትን የስሕተት ጎዳና ጠብ እርግፍ አድርጎ
በመተው አዲስ ራዕይ ሠንቆ፣ አዲስ ጎዳና መቀየስ ይጠበቅበታል። ለዚህም ለአገሪቱ ሕዝብ መሠረታዊ ችግሮች መንስኤዎች
ምን እንደሆኑ ከታሪካዊ ዳራ ተነስቶ፣ ሣይንሳዊ በሆነ መንገድ በማጥናት፣ ትክክለኛ ወደሆኑት መፍትሔዎች መድረስ
ይኖርበታል። የችግሮቹ መሠረታዊ ምንጮች ምን እንደሆኑ በትክክል ካልታወቀ፣ ተገቢ መልስ ላይ መድረስ አለመቻሉ ገሃድ
ነው። ምክንያቱም ያለፈውም ቀለም ቀመስ ወጣት አብዮተኛ ትውልድ እርስ በእርሱ ፊትና ጀርባ ከመቆሞ አልፎ ደም
ያቃባው ለመሠረታዊ የአገሪቱ ሕዝብ ችግሮች መንስኤዎች ናቸው የተባሉት ምንጮችና የተሰጡት መፍትሔዎች ስሕተት
በመሆናቸው ነው።
ማንም ንጹሕ ኅሊና እና አስተዋይ ልቦና ያለው ሰው ሊገነዘበው እንደሚችለው፣ ዛሬም ሆነ ትናንት የነገድ/ጎሣም
ሆነ የመደብ ልዩነት የአንድ አገርና ሕዝብ መሠረታዊ ችግሮች ሆነው የሚታዩ አይደሉም። ምክንያቱም ሁለቱም የነባራዊ
ማኅበራዊ ዕድገት ሂደት ውጤቶች በመሆናቸው፤ ከሰዎች ፍላጎት ውጪ በምርት ኃይሎች ዕድገት ሣቢያ የሚፈጠሩ ስለሆኑ፤
“አያስፈልጉም፣ ይወገዱ፣ ይጥፉ” ቢባሉ እንኳን በመፈክር ብዛት በማውገዝና የተወሠነውን “ጠላት” ተብሎ የተፈረጀ የአንድ
አገር የሕዝብ ክፍል በመፍጨፍጨፍ ብቻ በፍፁም ሊወገዱ ስለማይችሉ ነው። ስለሆነም የመደብና የነገድ/ጎሣ ልዩነቶች
የነባራዊ ዕድገት ሂደት ውጤቶች መሆናቸውን አውቆና አምኖ መቀበል ያስፈልጋል። የሚሻለው አማራጭ አንዱ
መደብ/ነገድ/ጎሣ በሌሎች ላይ ጤናማ ያልሆነ ተፅዕኖ እንዳያሣድር ፖለቲካዊ፣ ኢኮኖሚያዊና ማኅበራዊ ግንኙነቶች ተገቢ
ሚዛናቸውን ጠብቀው እንዲጓዙ የሚያስችል ሁሉም ዜጎች መጫዎት ያለባቸውን ድርሻ በሥርዓት እንዲወጡ የሚያደርግ
የመልካም አስተዳደር ሥርዓት በመዘርጋት ነው። በመሆኑም አንዱን የሕዝብ ክፍል የሆነ መደብ/ነገድ/ጎሣ ነጥሎ በማጥፋት
ሊገኝ የሚችል ሰላምና መረጋጋት፣ እንዲሁም ሚዛኑን የጠበቀ ዕድገት ሊመጣ እንደማይችል ግልጽ ሊሆን ይገባል። ከዚህ
አንፃር በሌሎች ተክዶ ራሱንም የካደው የዐማራው ቀለም ቀመስ ትውልድ ላለፉት 40 እና 50 ዓመታት የተጓዘበት የትግል
ጉዞ ለእርሱም ሆነ ለትውልዱ አልፎም ለአገሩ ያልበጀ በመሆኑ፣ ከታሰረበት የድርጅትና ግትር ግራ-ዘመም ርዕዮተ-ዓለም
የቀኖና እሥር ቤት ወጥቶ ወገኑን ከፈጽሞ ጥፋት ሊታደግ ይገባዋል።
ዐማራን ከፈፅሞ ጥፋት እንታደግ!
ፈለገ-አሥራት የተውልዳችን ቃልኪዳን ነው!
ኢትዮጵያን እግዚአብሔር ይጠብቅ!
Ethiopia looks to realise its geothermal energy potential
Initial exploration and drilling to be funded by Development Bank of Ethiopia as part of World Bank collaboration
Ethiopia, like its fellow Great Rift Valley countries, has enormous geothermal energy potential. However, the costs involved and the need for skilled expertise have, until now, been major obstacles.
In late January, the Development Bank of Ethiopia announced that, over the next five months, it will offer an initial $20m to kickstart geothermal energy projects in the country’s private sector as part of a programme funded by the World Bank. A further $20m is expected to be made available at a later stage.
Last May, the World Bank granted Ethiopia $40m to help accelerate the development of renewable energy projects in the country’s private sector. The Development Bank of Ethiopia says it is in discussions with several interested parties and is collaborating with the World Bank.
The money will help cover the costs of early exploration and drilling activities. When drilling proves successful, the bank will invite private investors to lead geothermal projects and develop power plants in Ethiopia. Cluff Geothermal – a British company involved in developing Kenya’s first geothermal project, in Menengai – has been shortlisted.
“In Ethiopia we have conducted a scoping environmental impact assessment on a site close to the town of Metehara,” says Cluff managing director George Day. “The government of Ethiopia has strong commitments to developing geothermal as part of its energy mix. We must remain patient while the country’s regulatory framework is prepared for independent power producers such as ourselves. We are confident that this will be in the next six months.”
As part of the funding agreement last year, the World Bank promised Ethiopia a further $200m to develop the country’s energy market.
The renewable energy programme of the World Bank’s climate investment funds – which cover financing geothermal development projects – has been led by the African Development Bank, which has already co-ordinated ambitious geothermal schemes in Djibouti, Kenya and Tanzania.
East Africa’s potential in this area is considerable, says Professor Paul Younger of Glasgow University. “Geothermal development in Kenya is far and away the principal success story to date, albeit Ethiopia is about to upgrade their Aluto Langano power plant from a nominal 8.3 MWe pilot to 75 MWe full scale. At present, all other countries along the Rift are only at preliminary study stage, but there will almost certainly be other developments at considerable scale in Djibouti and, if they ever get out of the political morass, Eritrea, and likely also in Tanzania and Uganda at the very least.”
Massive water resources generated in its high plains mean Ethiopia has an estimated hydropower potential of up to 45,000 MW, the second highest in Africa. Hydropower generates 86% of electricity in Ethiopia, a boon for a country with low levels of per-capita access.
The risks of overdependence on hydropower, and the need to diversify the country’s energy sources to ensure a stable supply, are understood by the Ethiopian Electric Power Corporation (Eepco), the state provider.
“The rainfall in Ethiopia varies considerably from year to year, therefore an overdependence on hydropower makes the energy supply very unstable, while instability of supply creates negative impacts on industry and the economy,” says Eepco’s Mulugeta Asaye. “After hydropower, geothermal energy development is the second priority for Ethiopia.”
Ethiopia’s ambitious five-year growth and transformation plan, which began in 2010, aims to increase the existing 2,179 MW generating capacity at least fourfold.
“Studies at various exploration phases have been carried out since 1969 and indicate that geothermal energy could generate up to 5,000 MW,” says Asaye.
Younger believes Ethiopia’s impressive economic growth trajectory and development ambitions, largely sustained by hydropower, could be thwarted by the effects of climate change. With droughts increasingly common and rainfall more erratic, the country needs to seriously invest in renewable energy sources such as geothermal, he says.
“The real urgency is to supply the 85% of the population who still lack ready access to affordable energy of any sort; if this can be done by renewables, stepping out of the high-carbon era, then so much the better. Certainly if population growth, and increasing prosperity, can be attained without carbon-intensive energy, it will go a long way to combating climate change, to which these countries are already manifestly highly vulnerable.”